Editing Belgian Congo (section)

==Resistance==
Congolese opposition against colonialism was continuous, sustained and took many different forms. It became more likely as modern ideas and education spread.<ref>Likaka, Osumaka (2009), ''Naming Colonialism, History and Collective Memory in the Congo, 1870–1960'', Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.</ref> Armed risings occurred sporadically and localized until roughly the end of the Second World War (e.g., revolt of the [[Pende people|Pende]] in 1931, mutiny in Luluabourg 1944). From the end of the Second World War until the late 1950s, the era of what colonial propaganda called a "''Pax belgica''" prevailed. Until the end of colonial rule in 1960, passive forms of resistance and expressions of an anti-colonial sub-culture were nevertheless manifold and widespread (e.g., [[Kimbanguism]], after the 'prophet' [[Simon Kimbangu]], who was imprisoned by the Belgians).{{citation needed|date=January 2024}}

Apart from active and passive resistance among the Congolese, the colonial regime over time also elicited internal criticism and dissent. Already in the 1920s, certain members of the Colonial Council in Brussels (among them Octave Louwers) voiced criticism regarding the often brutal recruitment methods employed by the major companies in the mining districts. The stagnation of population growth in many districts—in spite of spectacular successes in the fight against [[endemic]] diseases such as sleeping sickness—was another cause for concern. Low birth rates in the countryside and the depopulation of certain areas were typically attributed to the disruption of traditional community life as a result of forced labour migration and mandatory cultivation. Response was often made that that had been the point of the policies, and pointed to the increase of population in the cities, as well as the improvement in health and lifespan due to modern medicine and living conditions.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Hunt |first1=Nancy Rose |title=Rewriting the Soul in Colonial Congo: Flemish Missionaries and Infertility |url=https://nias.knaw.nl/Ortelius2002.pdf |website=Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences |publisher=Antwerp University Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social Sciences |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20040613132330/https://nias.knaw.nl/Ortelius2002.pdf |archive-date=2004-06-13 |language=en |date=2002}}</ref> Many missionaries who were in daily contact with Congolese villagers, took their plight in the transition at heart and sometimes intervened on their behalf with the colonial administration (for instance in land property questions).{{citation needed|date=January 2024}}

The missions and certain territorial administrators also played an important role in the study and preservation of Congolese cultural and linguistic traditions and artefacts. One example among many is that of Father [[Gustaaf Hulstaert]] (1900–1990), who in 1937 created the periodical ''Aequatoria'' devoted to the linguistic, ethnographic and historical study of the [[Mongo people]] of the central Congo basin.<ref>See: aequatoria.be</ref> The colonial state took an interest in the cultural and scientific study of the Congo, particularly after the Second World War, through the creation of the ''Institut pour la Recherche Scientifique en Afrique Centrale'' (IRSAC, 1948).