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== Beliefs, principles and culture == Temperance proponents saw the alcohol problem as the most crucial problem of Western civilization.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|21}} Alcoholism was seen to cause [[secondary poverty]],<ref name="Drager" /> and all types of social problems: alcohol was the enemy of everything good that modernity and science had to offer.<ref name="edman">{{Citation|last1=Edman|first1=Johan|title=Temperance and Modernity: Alcohol Consumption as a Collective Problem, 1885β1913|journal=Journal of Social History|date=September 2015|volume=49|issue=1|pages=20β52|doi=10.1093/jsh/shv029|doi-access=free}}</ref>{{rp|23}} They believed that abstinence would help decrease crime, make families stronger, and improve society as a whole.<ref name="History.com" /> Although the temperance movement was non-denominational in principle, the movement consisted mostly of church-goers.<ref name="Benowitz" /> Temperance advocates used scientific arguments to back up their views, but at the core the temperance philosophy was moral-religious in nature.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|38}} The alcohol problem was connected with a sense of purpose and modernity of the western nation, and was largely international in nature, in keeping with the international optimism typical for the period preceding the First World War.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|41}} Historical analysis of conference documents helps create an image of what the temperance movement represented. The movement believed that alcohol use disorder was a threat to scientific progress, as it was believed citizens had to be strong and sober to be ready for the modern age. Progressive themes and causes such as abolition, natural self-determination, worker's rights, and the importance of women in rearing children to be good citizens were key themes of this citizenship ideology.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|25β26}} The movement put itself at service of the state, but was critical of it. In that sense, it was a radical movement with liberal and socialist aspects, but in some parts of the world, notably the US, allied with conservatism.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|40β41}} Alcohol was often associated with oppression: not only oppression in the West, but also in colonies.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|35}} Temperance advocates saw alcohol as a product that "...enables a few to become rich while it impoverishes the very many". Temperance advocates worked closely with the labor movement, as well as the women suffrage movement, partly because there was mutual support and benefit, and the causes were seen as connected.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|41}} === Prevention, treatment and restriction === Temperance proponents used a variety of means to prevent and treat alcohol use disorder and restrict its consumption.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|24}} At the end of the 19th century, medically oriented treatment of alcohol use disorder became more common.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|26}} In a trend that was preceded by Rush's writings, alcoholism came to be seen as an illness which could be medically treated. Scientists who were temperance proponents attempted to find the underlying causes of alcohol use disorder. At the same time, criticism rose toward use of alcohol in medical care.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|39β40}} The notion of alcohol use disorder as a disease became widely accepted much later, generally after the Second World War.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|38β39}} Nevertheless, restriction of consumption was most emphasized in the movement, but ideas on how to accomplish this were varied and conflicting.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|26}} Apart from the prohibition by law, there were also ideas to establish [[state monopoly]] on all alcohol sales,<ref name="edman" />{{rp|27}} or through law reform remove profit from the alcohol industry.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|28}} During the 1900s decade, the ideal of strong citizens was developed into the [[hygienism]] ideology.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|30}} Through the influence of [[science of heredity|scientific theories on heredity]], temperance proponents came to believe that alcohol problems were not just a personal concern, but caused later generations of people to "degenerate" as well.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|32}} Public hygiene and improving the population through personal lifestyle were therefore promoted.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|30β31}} A variety of temperance halls, [[temperance bar]]s and [[coffee palace]]s were established as replacements for saloons. Numerous periodicals devoted to temperance were published{{refn|group=note|For example in Sydney, the ''[[Australian Home Companion and Band of Hope Journal]]'' was published between 1856 and 1861.}} and [[temperance theatre]], which had started in the 1820s, became an important part of the American cultural landscape at this time.<ref>{{cite book|last1=Frick|first1=John W.|title=Theatre, Culture and Temperance Reform in Nineteenth-Century America|date=2003|publisher=Cambridge University Press|location=Cambridge, UK|isbn=978-0-521-81778-3}}</ref> The temperance movement generated its own popular culture. Popular songwriters such as [[Susan McFarland Parkhurst]], [[George Frederick Root]], [[Henry Clay Work]] and [[Stephen C. Foster]] composed a number of these songs.<ref>{{cite journal|first=Paul D. |last=Sanders |title=The Temperance Songs of Stephen C. Foster |journal=American Music |volume=34 |number=3 |year=2016 |pages=279β300 |url=https://muse.jhu.edu/|doi=10.5406/americanmusic.34.3.0279 |s2cid=151527811 }}</ref> At temperance inns puppet plays, minstrel acts, parades and other shows were held.<ref name="snodgrass" />{{rp|602}} === Role of women === [[File:Womans-Holy-War.jpg|thumb|"Woman's Holy War. Grand Charge on the Enemy's Works". An allegorical 1874 political cartoon print, which shows temperance campaigners as virtuous armoured women warriors, wielding axes to destroy barrels of Beer, Whisky, Gin, Rum, Brandy, Wine and Liquors, under the banners of "In the name of God and humanity" and the "Temperance League".]] Much of the temperance movement was based on organized religion, which saw women as responsible for edifying their children to be abstaining citizens.<ref name="Benowitz" /><ref name="edman" />{{rp|23}} Nevertheless, temperance was tied in with both religious renewal and progressive politics, particularly female suffrage.<ref name="History.com" /> Furthermore, temperance activists were able to promote suffrage more effectively than [[Suffragists|suffrage activists]] were, because of their wide-ranging experiences as activists, and because they argued for a concrete desire for safety at home, rather than for an abstract desire for justice as suffragists did.<ref name="osborne" />{{rp|5β6}} By 1831, there were over 24 women's organizations which were dedicated to the temperance movement. Women were specifically drawn to the temperance movement, because it represented a fight to end a practice that greatly affected women's quality of life. Temperance was seen as a feminine, religious and moral duty, and when it was achieved, it was also seen as a way to gain familial and domestic security as well as salvation in a religious sense.<ref name="clean" />{{rp|47}} Indeed, scholar Ruth Bordin stated that the temperance movement was "the foremost example of American feminism".<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://daily.jstor.org/feminist-history-prohibition/|title=The Feminist History of Prohibition|date=2016-01-06|work=JSTOR Daily|access-date=2018-05-23}}</ref> Prominent women such as [[Amelia Bloomer]], [[Elizabeth Cady Stanton]], and [[Susan B. Anthony]] were active in temperance and abolitionist movements in the 1840s.<ref name="clean" />{{rp|47}} A myriad of factors contributed to women's interest in the temperance movement. One of the initial contributions was the frequency in which women were the victims of those who had an alcohol use disorder. At a Chicago meeting of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, Susan B. Anthony stated that women suffer the most from drunkenness. The inability of women to control wages, vote, or own property added to their vulnerability.<ref name="bordin">{{cite book |last1=Bordin |first1=Ruth Birgitta Anderson |title=Woman and temperance: The quest for power and liberty, 1873-1900 |date=1981 |publisher=Temple University Press |location=Philadelphia |isbn=978-0877221579 |url=https://archive.org/stream/womantemperanceq0000bord#page/6/mode/2up}}</ref>{{rp|7}} Another contribution was related to the role of women in the home in the 19th century, which was largely to preside over the spiritual and physical needs of their homes and families. Because of this, women believed that it was their duty to protect their families from the danger of alcohol and convert their family members to the ideas of abstinence. This newfound calling to temperance, however, did not change the widely held viewpoint that women were only responsible for matters which pertained to their homes.<ref name="bordin" />{{rp|8}} Consequently, women had what Ruth Bordin referred to as the "maternal struggle" which women felt was the internal contradiction that came with their newly discovered power to make change, while still believing in their nurturing and domestic roles without yet understanding how to use their newly acquired power.<ref name="bordin" />{{rp|8β9}} June Sochen called women who joined movements such as women's temperance organizations "pragmatic feminists", because they took action to solve their grievances, but were not interested in altering traditional sex roles.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Sochen |first1=June |title=Movers and Shakers: American Women Thinkers and Activists 1900-1970 |date=1973 |publisher=Quadrangle/New York Times Book Co. |location=New York |isbn=978-0812903607 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/moversshakers00june/page/65 65β66] |url=https://archive.org/details/moversshakers00june/page/65 }}</ref> The missionary organizations of many Protestant denominations gave women an avenue to work from; several all-female missionary societies already existed and it was easy for them to transform themselves into women's temperance organizations.<ref name="bordin" />{{rp|9β10}} In the 1870s and 1880s, the number of women who were in the middle and upper classes was large enough to support women's participation in the temperance movement. Higher class women did not need to work because they could rely on their husbands' ability to support their families and they consequently had more leisure time to engage in organizations and associations that were affiliated with the temperance movement.<ref name="bordin" />{{rp|10}} The influx of Irish immigrants filled the servant jobs that freed African-Americans left after the [[American Civil War]], leaving upper and middle-class women with even more time to participate in the community while domestic jobs were being filled. Moreover, the birth rate had fallen, leaving women with an average of four children in 1880 as compared to seven children at the beginning of the 19th century.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Smith |first1=Daniel Scott |editor1-last=Hartman |editor1-first=Mary S. |editor2-last=Banner |editor2-first=Lois W. |title=Clio's Consciousness Raised: New Perspectives on the History of Women |date=1976 |publisher=Octagon Books |location=New York |isbn=978-0374937126 |page=[https://archive.org/details/cliosconsciousne0000unse/page/123 123] |chapter=Family Limitation, Sexual Control and Domestic Feminism in Victorian America |chapter-url=https://archive.org/details/cliosconsciousne0000unse/page/123 }}</ref><ref name="bordin" />{{rp|11β12}} The gathering of people in urban areas and the extra leisure time for women contributed to the mass female temperance movement.<ref name="bordin" />{{rp|11β12}} [[File:Carrie Nation postcard.jpg|thumb|A postcard from around 1910]] The [[Woman's Christian Temperance Union]] (WCTU) grew out of a spontaneous crusade against saloons and liquor stores that began in Ohio and spread throughout the Midwestern United States during the winter of 1873β1874. The crusade consisted of over 32,000 women who stormed into saloons and liquor stores in order to disrupt business and stop the sales of alcohol.<ref name="militancy">{{cite journal |last1=Dannenbaum |first1=Jed |title=The Origins of Temperance Activism and Militancy among American Women |journal=Journal of Social History |date=1981 |volume=15 |issue=2 |pages=235β252 |doi=10.1353/jsh/15.2.235 }}</ref><ref name="bordin" />{{rp|15}} The WCTU was officially organized in late November 1874 in Cleveland, Ohio.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Gordon |first1=Elizabeth Putnam |title=Women Torch-Bearers: The Story of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union |date=1924 |publisher=National Woman's Christian Temperance Union Pub. House |location=Buffalo, New York |page=246 |url=https://www.heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.peggy/wotobear0001&id=1&collection=peggy&index=peggy}}</ref> [[Frances Willard]], the organization's second president, helped grow the organization into the largest women's religious organization in the 19th century. Willard was interested in suffrage and women's rights as well as temperance, believing that temperance could improve the quality of life on both the family and community level. The WCTU trained women in skills such as public speaking, leadership, and political thinking, using temperance as a springboard to achieve a higher quality of life for women on many levels. In 1881, the WCTU began lobbying for the mandate of instruction in temperance in public schools. In 1901, schools were required to instruct students on temperance ideas, but they were accused of perpetuating misinformation, fear mongering, and racist stereotypes. [[Carrie Nation]] was one of the most extreme temperance movement workers and she was arrested 30 times for her "[[hatchetations]]" - using a [[hatchet]] to destroy property at bars, saloons, and even pharmacies, believing that even alcohol which was used for medicine was unjustified. At the approach of the 20th century, the temperance movement became more interested in legislative reform as pressure from the Anti-Saloon League increased. Women, who had not yet achieved suffrage, became less central to the movement in the early 1900s.<ref>{{Cite news|url=http://prohibition.themobmuseum.org/the-history/the-road-to-prohibition/the-temperance-movement/|title=Women Led the Temperance Charge - Prohibition: An Interactive History|work=Prohibition: An Interactive History|access-date=2018-05-23|language=en-US}}</ref> === Other causes === Prohibition agendas also became popular among factory owners, who strove for more efficiency during a period of increased industrialization.<ref name="History.com" /> For this reason, industrial leaders such as [[Henry Ford]] and [[S.S. Kresge]] supported Prohibition.<ref name="Hour Detroit" /> The cause of the sober factory worker was related to the cause of women temperance leaders: concerned mothers protested against the enslavement of factory workers, as well as the temptation which saloons offered to these workers.<ref name="snodgrass" />{{rp|602}} Efficiency was also an important argument for the government because it wanted its soldiers to be sober.<ref name="edman"/>{{rp|35}} At the end of the 19th century, temperance movement opponents started to criticize the slave trade in Africa. This criticism came during the last period of rapid colonial expansion. Slavery and the alcohol trade in colonies were seen as two closely related problems, and they were frequently called "the twin oppressors of the people". Again, this subject tied in with the ideas of civilization and effectiveness: temperance advocates raised the issue that the "natives" could not be properly "civilized" and put to work, if they were provided with the vice of alcohol.<ref name="edman" />{{rp|35β36}}
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