Editing Gentrification (section)

===Artists===

[[File:Bedstuybrownstone1.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.15|[[Bedford–Stuyvesant, Brooklyn|Bedford–Stuyvesant]] in New York, traditionally the largest black community in the US]]

[[File:Muenchen hanssachsstrasse.jpg|thumb|upright=1.15|The Glockenbach district of [[Ludwigsvorstadt-Isarvorstadt]] in [[Munich]], Germany]]

Phillip Clay's two-stage model of gentrification places artists as prototypical stage one or "marginal" gentrifiers. [[The National Endowment for the Arts]] did a study that linked the proportion of employed artists to the rate of inner city gentrification across a number of U.S. cities.<ref name="Ley page needed"/> Artists will typically accept the risks of rehabilitating deteriorated property, as well as having the time, skill, and ability to carry out these extensive renovations.<ref name="Lees page needed" /> [[David Ley]] states that the artist's critique of everyday life and search for meaning and renewal are what make them early recruits for gentrification.

The identity that residence in the inner city provides is important for the gentrifier, and this is particularly so in the artists' case. Their cultural emancipation from the bourgeois makes the central city an appealing alternative that distances them from the conformity and mundanity attributed to suburban life. They are quintessential city people, and the city is often a functional choice as well, for city life has advantages that include connections to customers and a closer proximity to a downtown art scene, all of which are more likely to be limited in a suburban setting. Ley's research cites a quote from a Vancouver printmaker talking about the importance of inner city life to an artist, that it has, "energy, intensity, hard to specify but hard to do without".<ref name="Ley page needed">{{harvnb|Ley|1996}}{{page needed|date=April 2019}}</ref>

Ironically, these attributes that make artists characteristic marginal gentrifiers form the same foundations for their isolation as the gentrification process matures. The later stages of the process generate an influx of more affluent, "[[yuppie]]" residents. As the [[bohemianism|bohemian]] character of the community grows, it appeals "not only to committed participants, but also to sporadic consumers,"{{sfn|Lloyd|2006|p= 104}} and the rising property values that accompany this migration often lead to the eventual pushing out of the artists that began the movement in the first place.<ref name="Lees page needed"/>   Sharon Zukin's study of SoHo in [[Manhattan]], NYC was one of the most famous cases of this phenomenon. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, [[Manhattan loft]]s in [[SoHo]] were converted ''en masse'' into housing for artists and hippies, and then their sub-culture's followers.{{sfn|Zukin|1989|pp=121–123}}

{| class="wikitable"
|-
| colspan="3" | '''Stages of Gentrification'''
|-
! Early Stage !! Transitional Stage !! Late Stage
|- valign="top"
|
Artists, writers, musicians, affluent college students, LGBT, hipsters and political activists move in to a neighborhood for its affordability and tolerance.
|
Upper-middle-class professionals, often politically liberal-progressive (e.g. teachers, journalists, librarians), are attracted by the vibrancy created by the first arrivals.
|
Wealthier people (e.g. private sector managers) move in and real estate prices increase significantly. By this stage, high prices have excluded traditional residents and most of the types of people who arrived in stage 1 & 2.
|-
| colspan="3" | '''Retail gentrification''': Throughout the process, local businesses change to serve the higher incomes and different tastes of the gentrifying population.
|-
| colspan="3" | Source: {{harvtxt|Caulfield|Peake|1996}};{{pages needed |date=May 2019}} Ley as cited in {{harvtxt|Boyd|2008}};{{pages needed |date=May 2019}} {{harvtxt|Rose|1996}};{{pages needed |date=May 2019}} and {{harvtxt|Lees|Slater| Wyly|2010}}{{pages needed |date=May 2019}} as cited in {{harvtxt|Kasman|2015}}.{{pages needed |date=May 2019}}
|}