Editing Amadeo I of Spain (section)

==== Fall of the Sagasta Government and the “Lightning” Government of Serrano: The End of the Conservative Project ====
[[File:Francisco-serrano.jpg|thumb|General [[Francisco Serrano, 1st Duke of la Torre|Serrano]].]]

Sagasta's government faltered in May 1872 after a scandal over two million reales diverted from the Overseas to Interior Ministry, likely for electoral fraud via {{Interlanguage link|Lazarus of Bethany#Raising of Lazarus|lázaros|es|Lázaros (elecciones)}}—votes cast by the dead. Rumors also tied it to a hushed-up affair involving Amadeo or Serrano's circle, though corruption was the probable cause.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|p=248}}{{Sfn|Fontana|2007|p=369}} Sagasta's defense—claiming reserved payments to thwart conspiracies—relied on forged documents, exposing illegalities. Denied a confidence vote by his majority, including Unionists more irked by the breach than the funds, Sagasta resigned on May 22.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|p=250}}{{Sfn|Fontana|2007|p=369}}

On May 26, Amadeo appointed Serrano, then fighting Carlists, as president, assuming his coalition's Cortes majority held. Serrano's cabinet mixed three ex-Progressives and five ex-Unionists, including an [[Alfonsism|Alfonsist]] from [[Antonio Cánovas del Castillo]]’s faction. [[Juan Bautista Topete|Admiral Topete]] presented it to Congress on May 27, as Serrano was delayed. Unexpectedly, [[Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla]] pledged “loyal, legal, and respectful opposition,” accepting constitutional monarchy rules—a shift contested by Radicals like [[Cristino Martos y Balbí|Cristino Martos]], who rejected waiting years for power or aiding “reaction.” Unsupported, Ruiz Zorrilla resigned his seat on May 31 after meeting Amadeo for his birthday, retiring to his Soria estate, “La Tablada,” unwilling to join an anti-dynastic or insurrectionary path. Radical press blamed the king and queen.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=292-297}}

The {{Interlanguage link|Amorebieta Convention|es|Convenio de Amorebieta}} nearly toppled Serrano, with ministers opposing rebel officer reinstatement as a “degradation” of the army and government. Amadeo's backing and Cortes ratification (Republicans against, Radicals abstaining) saved it, and Serrano took office June 4.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=256-258}} Yet, Radicals under Martos and Republicans challenged Serrano's legitimacy, citing his Alfonsist inclusion, fueling pre-revolutionary rhetoric like “The Revolution is dead! Long live the Revolution!” [[El Imparcial (1867–1933)|El Imparcial]]’s June 10 piece, “The Madwoman of the Vatican,” subtly attacked Queen Maria Vittoria.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=298-300}}{{Sfn|Fontana|2007|pp=369-370}}

On June 6, Radicals mobilized Madrid's {{Interlanguage link|Volunteers of Liberty|es|Voluntarios de la Libertad}} to protest in the [[Town square#Spanish-speaking countries|Plaza Mayor]]. Serrano quartered troops and, on June 11, sought a decree suspending constitutional guarantees—approved by the Cortes—to curb a looming Republican uprising, which Radicals seemed poised to join post-Ruiz Zorrilla. A planned June 16 rally under “The [[Glorious Revolution (Spain)|September Revolution]] and the Freedom of the Motherland” omitted the dynasty, alarming Amadeo. Refusing to sign and risk civil conflict, he forced Serrano's resignation on June 12. Militia gathered that day dispersed upon hearing the news. Serrano, after less than 20 days, retired to Arjona, telling a French diplomat, “We must get rid of that imbecile,” referring to Amadeo.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=262-263; 301-302}}{{Sfn|Fontana|2007|pp=369-370}}

Jorge Vilches reflects:

“The king was almost completely isolated... with a strong anti-dynastic opposition, weak constitutional parties... political leaders unable to unite, and an unsupportive populace. By June 12, 1872, his situation was dire: Prim dead, Ruiz Zorrilla retired, Sagasta facing prosecution... two civil wars, and a Republican threat looming.”{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=263-264}}

Constitutionalists, learning Ruiz Zorrilla would replace Serrano with a Cortes dissolution, decried an “unprecedented coup d’état,” citing its unconstitutionality (four months hadn't passed since the last election) and the regime's instability—three elections, multiple crises in 18 months. They petitioned Amadeo to reject it, promising support instead.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=267-268}}