Editing Tammany Hall (section)

=== Machine politics versus the reformers ===
{{main|Charles Francis Murphy}}
The politics of the consolidated city from 1898 to 1945 revolved around conflicts between the political machines and the reformers. In quiet times the machines had the advantage of the core of solid supporters and usually exercised control of city and borough affairs; they also played a major role in the state legislature in Albany. Tammany, for example, from the 1880s onward built a strong network of local clubs that attracted ambitious middle-class ethnics.<ref name = peel/>{{sfn|Shefter|1978|p=263-298}}

In times of crisis however, especially in the severe depressions of the 1890s and the 1930s, the reformers took control of key offices, notably the mayor's office. The reformers were never unified; they operated through a complex network of independent civic reform groups; each focused its lobbying efforts on its own particular reform agenda. The membership included civic-minded, well-educated middle-class men and women, usually with expert skills in a profession or business, who deeply distrusted the corruption of the machines.<ref>Richard Skolnik, "Civic Group Progressivism In New York City," ''New York History'' (1970) 51#5 pp. 411–39.</ref> The [[City of Greater New York|consolidation]] of Brooklyn, western Queens County and Staten Island with Manhattan and the Bronx in 1898 multiplied the power of these reform groups, so long as they could agree on a common agenda, such as consolidation itself.<ref>David C. Hammack, ''Power and Society: Greater New York at the Turn of the Century (1982) pp. 308–13</ref>

There was no citywide machine. Instead, Democratic machines flourished in each of the boroughs, with Tammany Hall in Manhattan the most prominent. They typically had strong local organizations, known as "political clubs", as well as one prominent leader often called the "boss". [[Charles Francis Murphy|Charles Murphy]] was the highly effective but quiet boss of Tammany Hall from 1902 until his death in 1924.<ref name = huthmacher65/> "Big Tim" Sullivan was the Tammany leader in the Bowery and the machine's spokesman in the state legislature.{{sfn|Czitrom|1991|p=536-538}} Republican local organizations were much weaker, but they played key roles in forming reform coalitions. Most of the time they looked to Albany and Washington for their sphere of influence.{{sfn|Jackson|1996|p=914, 999, 1149–51}}{{full citation needed|date=June 2022}}<ref>Marvin G. Weinbaum, "New York County Republican Politics, 1897–1922: The Quarter-Century After Municipal Consolidation", ''New York Historical Society Quarterly''  (1966) 50#1 pp. 62–70.</ref> [[Seth Low]], the president of Columbia University, was elected the reform mayor in 1901. He lacked the common touch and lost much of his working-class support when he listened to dry Protestants eager to crack down on the liquor business.{{sfn|Jackson|1996|loc=Seth Low|p=695}}<ref>[[Steven C. Swett]], "The Test of a Reformer: A Study of Seth Low, New York City Mayor, 1902–1903", ''New-York Historical Society Quarterly'' (1960) 44#1 pp. 5–41</ref>

Murphy wanted to clean up Tammany's image and sponsored progressive era reforms benefiting the working class through his two protégés, Governor [[Alfred E. Smith|Al Smith]] and [[Robert F. Wagner]]. [[Edward J. Flynn|Ed Flynn]], a protégé of Murphy who became the boss in the Bronx, said Murphy always advised that politicians should have nothing to do with gambling or prostitution and should steer clear of involvement with the police department or the school system.{{sfn|Golway|2014|p=186}} A new challenge to Tammany came from [[William Randolph Hearst]], a powerful newspaper publisher who wanted to be president. Hearst was elected to Congress with Tammany support, was defeated for mayor after a bitter contest with Tammany and won Tammany support for his unsuccessful quest for the governorship of New York. Hearst did manage to dominate Tammany mayor [[John F. Hylan]] (1917–25), but he lost control when Smith and Wagner denied Hylan renomination in 1925. Hearst then moved back to his native California.<ref>Ben Proctor, ''William Randolph Hearst: The Early Years, 1863–1910'' (1998) ch 11</ref>