Editing Noam Chomsky (section)

===Capitalism and socialism===
In his youth, Chomsky developed a dislike of [[capitalism]] and the pursuit of material wealth.{{sfn|Sperlich|2006|p=15}} At the same time, he developed a disdain for [[authoritarian socialism]], as represented by the [[Marxist–Leninist]] policies of the Soviet Union.{{sfnm|1a1=Barsky|1y=1997|1p=168|2a1=Sperlich|2y=2006|2p=16}} Rather than accepting the common view among U.S. economists that a spectrum exists between total state ownership of the economy and total private ownership, he instead suggests that a spectrum should be understood between total democratic control of the economy and total autocratic control (whether state or private).{{sfn|McGilvray|2014|pp=164–165}} He argues that Western capitalist countries are not really democratic,{{sfn|McGilvray|2014|p=169}} because, in his view, a truly democratic society is one in which all persons have a say in public economic policy.{{sfn|McGilvray|2014|p=170}} He has stated his opposition to [[ruling elites]], among them institutions like the [[IMF]], [[World Bank]], and [[GATT]] (precursor to the [[WTO]]).{{sfn|Barsky|1997|p=211}}

Chomsky highlights that, since the 1970s, [[Wealth inequality in the United States|the U.S. has become increasingly economically unequal]] as a result of the repeal of various financial regulations and the unilateral rescinding of the [[Bretton Woods financial control agreement]] by the U.S.{{sfn|McGilvray|2014|p=14}} He characterizes the U.S. as a ''de facto'' [[one-party state]], viewing both the [[Republican Party (United States)|Republican Party]] and [[Democratic Party (United States)|Democratic Party]] as manifestations of a single "Business Party" controlled by corporate and financial interests.{{sfn|McGilvray|2014|pp=14–15}} Chomsky highlights that, within Western capitalist liberal democracies, at least 80% of the population has no control over economic decisions, which are instead in the hands of a management class and ultimately controlled by a small, wealthy elite.{{sfn|McGilvray|2014|p=15}}

Noting the entrenchment of such an economic system, Chomsky believes that change is possible through the organized cooperation of large numbers of people who understand the problem and know how they want to reorganize the economy more equitably.{{sfn|McGilvray|2014|p=15}} Acknowledging that corporate domination of media and government stifles any significant change to this system, he sees reason for optimism in historical examples such as the social rejection of slavery as immoral, the advances in women's rights, and the forcing of government to justify invasions.{{sfn|McGilvray|2014|p=14}} He views violent revolution to overthrow a government as a last resort to be avoided if possible, citing the example of historical revolutions where the population's welfare has worsened as a result of upheaval.{{sfn|McGilvray|2014|p=15}}

Chomsky sees libertarian socialist and anarcho-syndicalist ideas as the descendants of the [[classical liberal]] ideas of the [[Age of Enlightenment]],{{sfnm|1a1=Sperlich|1y=2006|1p=89|2a1=McGilvray|2y=2014|2p=189}} arguing that his ideological position revolves around "nourishing the libertarian and creative character of the human being".{{sfn|Barsky|1997|p=95}} He envisions an anarcho-syndicalist future with direct worker control of the [[means of production]] and government by [[workers' council]]s, who would select temporary and revocable representatives to meet together at general assemblies.{{sfn|McGilvray|2014|p=199}} The point of this self-governance is to make each citizen, in [[Thomas Jefferson]]'s words, "a direct participator in the government of affairs".{{sfn|McGilvray|2014|p=210}} He believes that there will be no need for political parties.{{sfn|McGilvray|2014|p=200}} By controlling their productive life, he believes that individuals can gain job satisfaction and a sense of fulfillment and purpose.{{sfn|McGilvray|2014|pp=197, 202}} He argues that unpleasant and unpopular jobs could be fully automated, specially remunerated, or communally shared.{{sfn|McGilvray|2014|pp=201–202}}