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=== Institutional design === Bell and Wang favour a system in which officials at the local level are democratically elected and higher-level officials are promoted by peers.<ref name="Daniel A 2020" />{{rp|66–93}} As Bell puts it, he defends "democracy at the bottom, experimentation in the middle, and meritocracy at the top."<ref name="Daniel A. Bell 2016" />{{rp|151–179}} Bell and Wang argue that this combination conserves the main advantages of democracy—involving the people in public affairs at the local level, strengthening the legitimacy of the system, forcing some degree of direct accountability, etc.—while preserving the broader meritocratic character of the regime. Jiang Qing, by contrast, imagines a tricameral government with one chamber selected by the people (the House of the Commoners {{lang|zh|庶民院}}), one chamber composed of Confucian meritocrats selected via examination and gradual promotion (the House of Confucian Tradition {{lang|zh|通儒院}}), and one body made up of descendants of Confucius himself (The House of National Essence {{lang|zh|國體院}}).<ref name="Jiang">{{cite book |author=Jiang Qing |title=A Confucian Constitutional Order: How China's Ancient Past Can Shape Its Political Future |date=2013 |publisher=Princeton University Press |isbn=9780691154602 |place=Princeton}}</ref> Jiang's aim is to construct a legitimacy that will go beyond what he sees as the atomistic, individualist, and utilitarian ethos of modern democracies and ground authority in something sacred and traditional. While Jiang's model is closer to an ideal theory than Bell's proposals, it represents a more traditionalist alternative. Tongdong Bai presents an in-between solution by proposing a two-tiered bicameral system.<ref name="Bai" />{{rp|52–110}} At the local level, as with Bell, Bai advocates Deweyan participatory democracy. At the national level, Bai proposes two chambers: one of meritocrats (selected by examination, by examination and promotion, from leaders in certain professional fields, etc.), and one of representatives elected by the people. While the lower house does not have any legislative power per se, it acts as a popular accountability mechanism by championing the people and putting pressure on the upper house. More generally, Bai argues that his model marries the best of meritocracy and democracy. Following Dewey's account of democracy as a way of life, he points to the participatory features of his local model: citizens still get to have a democratic lifestyle, participate in political affairs, and be educated as "democratic men". Similarly, the lower house allows citizens to be represented, have a voice in public affairs (albeit a weak one), and ensure accountability. Meanwhile, the meritocratic house preserves competence, statesmanship, and Confucian virtues.
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