Editing John, King of England (section)

==Later reign (1204–1214)==

===Continental policy===
{{Main|Anglo-French War (1202–1214)}}

[[File:BitvaLincoln1217.jpg|thumb|upright=1.8|alt=A drawing of a medieval castle, with a tall tower with a flag on top; a crossbowman is firing an arrow from the battlements at two horsemen.|An early-13th-century drawing by Matthew Paris showing contemporary warfare, including the use of castles, [[crossbow]]men and mounted [[knight]]s]]

During the remainder of his reign, John focused on trying to retake Normandy.<ref name="TurnerP106">Turner, p. 106.</ref> The available evidence suggests that he did not regard the loss of the Duchy as a permanent shift in Capetian power.<ref name=TurnerP106/> Strategically, John faced several challenges:<ref name="TurnerPP106-7">Turner, pp. 106–107.</ref> England itself had to be secured against possible French invasion,<ref name=TurnerPP106-7/> the sea-routes to Bordeaux needed to be secured following the loss of the land route to Aquitaine, and his remaining possessions in Aquitaine needed to be secured following the death of his mother, Eleanor, in April 1204.<ref name=TurnerPP106-7/> John's preferred plan was to use Poitou as a base of operations, advance up the [[Loire Valley]] to threaten Paris, pin down the French forces and break Philip's internal lines of communication before landing a maritime force in the Duchy itself.<ref name=TurnerPP106-7/> Ideally, this plan would benefit from the opening of a second front on Philip's eastern frontiers with Flanders and Boulogne—effectively a re-creation of Richard's old strategy of applying pressure from Germany.<ref name=TurnerPP106-7/> All of this would require a great deal of money and soldiers.<ref name="TurnerP107">Turner, p. 107.</ref>

John spent much of 1205 securing England against a potential French invasion.<ref name=TurnerP106/> As an emergency measure, he recreated a version of Henry II's [[Assize of Arms of 1181]], with each [[shire]] creating a structure to mobilise local levies.<ref name=TurnerP106/> When the threat of invasion faded, John formed a large military force in England intended for Poitou, and a large fleet with soldiers under his own command intended for Normandy.<ref name=TurnerP107/> To achieve this, John reformed the English feudal contribution to his campaigns, creating a more flexible system under which only one knight in ten would actually be mobilised, but would be financially supported by the other nine; knights would serve for an indefinite period.<ref name=TurnerP107/> John built up a strong team of engineers for siege warfare and a substantial force of professional crossbowmen.<ref name="Barlow, p. 336">Barlow, p. 336.</ref> The King was supported by a team of leading barons with military expertise, including [[William Longespée, 3rd Earl of Salisbury]], [[William the Marshal]], [[Roger de Lacy (1170–1211)|Roger de Lacy]] and, until he fell from favour, the [[marcher lord]] William de Braose.<ref name="Barlow, p. 336"/>

John had already begun to improve his [[English Channel|Channel]] forces before the loss of Normandy and he rapidly built up further maritime capabilities after its collapse. Most of these ships were placed along the [[Cinque Ports]], but [[HMNB Portsmouth|Portsmouth]] was also enlarged.<ref name="Warren, p. 123">Warren, p. 123.</ref> By the end of 1204 he had around 50 large [[galley]]s available; another 54 vessels were built between 1209 and 1212.<ref>Turner, p. 106; Warren, p. 123</ref> [[William of Wrotham]] was appointed "keeper of the galleys", effectively John's chief admiral.<ref name=TurnerP106/> Wrotham was responsible for fusing John's galleys, the ships of the Cinque Ports and pressed merchant vessels into a single operational fleet.<ref name=TurnerP106/> John adopted recent improvements in ship design, including new large transport ships called ''buisses'' and removable [[forecastle]]s for use in combat.<ref name="Warren, p. 123"/>

Baronial unrest in England prevented the departure of the planned 1205 expedition, and only a smaller force under William Longespée deployed to Poitou.<ref name=TurnerP107/> In 1206 John departed for Poitou himself, but was forced to divert south to counter a threat to [[Gascony]] from [[Alfonso VIII of Castile]].<ref name=TurnerP107/> After a successful campaign against Alfonso, John headed north again, taking the city of Angers.<ref name=TurnerP107/> Philip moved south to meet John; the year's campaigning ended in stalemate and a two-year truce was made between the two rulers.<ref>Turner, pp. 107–108.</ref>

During the truce of 1206–1208, John focused on building up his financial and military resources in preparation for another attempt to recapture Normandy.<ref name="TurnerP108">Turner, p. 108.</ref> John used some of this money to pay for new alliances on Philip's eastern frontiers, where the growth in Capetian power was beginning to concern France's neighbours.<ref name=TurnerP108/> By 1212 John had successfully concluded alliances with his nephew [[Otto IV of Germany]], a contender for the crown of [[Holy Roman Emperor]], as well as with the counts Renaud of Boulogne and [[Ferdinand of Flanders]].<ref name=TurnerP108/> The invasion plans for 1212 were postponed because of fresh English baronial unrest about service in Poitou.<ref name=TurnerP108/> Philip seized the initiative in 1213, sending his elder son, [[Louis VIII of France|Louis]], to invade Flanders with the intention of next launching an invasion of England.<ref name=TurnerP108/> John was forced to postpone his own invasion plans to counter this threat. He launched his new fleet to attack the French at the harbour of [[Damme]].<ref name="TurnerP109">Turner, p. 109.</ref> The attack was a success, destroying Philip's vessels and any chances of an invasion of England that year.<ref name=TurnerP109/> John hoped to exploit this advantage by invading himself late in 1213, but baronial discontent again delayed his invasion plans until early 1214, in what was his final Continental campaign.<ref name=TurnerP109/>

===Scotland, Ireland and Wales===
[[File:Jan Anglie psici.jpg|thumb|alt=A drawing of King John wearing a crown and a red robe. The king is sat down and stroking two hunting dogs.|A 13th-century depiction of John with two [[hunting dog]]s]]
In the late 12th and early 13th centuries [[Anglo-Scottish border|the border]] and political relationship between England and Scotland was disputed, with the kings of Scotland claiming parts of what is now northern England. Henry II had forced [[William the Lion]] to swear fealty to him at the [[Treaty of Falaise]] in 1174.<ref>Carpenter (2004), p. 224.</ref> This had been rescinded by Richard I in exchange for financial compensation in 1189, but the relationship remained uneasy.<ref>Carpenter (2004), p. 255.</ref> John began his reign by reasserting his sovereignty over the disputed northern counties. He refused William's request for the earldom of [[Northumbria]], but did not intervene in Scotland itself and focused on his continental problems.<ref>Carpenter (2004), p. 277; Duncan, p. 251.</ref> The two kings maintained a friendly relationship, meeting in 1206 and 1207,<ref>Duncan, p. 252.</ref> until it was rumoured in 1209 that William was intending to ally himself with Philip II of France.<ref>Carpenter (2004), p. 277; Duncan, p. 260</ref> John invaded Scotland and forced William to sign the Treaty of Norham, which gave John control of William's daughters and required a payment of £10,000.<ref name="CarpenterP277">Carpenter (2004), p. 277.</ref> This effectively crippled William's power north of the border, and by 1212 John had to intervene militarily to support William against his internal rivals.<ref name=CarpenterP277/>{{Refn|William's son, [[Alexander II of Scotland]], would later state that he had been betrothed in 1212 to John's daughter [[Joan of England, Queen of Scotland|Joan]]. Current scholarship considers Alexander's claim unreliable.<ref>Carpenter, p. 277; Duncan, p. 264.</ref>|group=nb}} John made no efforts to reinvigorate the Treaty of Falaise, though, and William and his son [[Alexander II of Scotland]] in turn remained independent kings, supported by, but not owing fealty to, John.<ref>Duncan, p. 268.</ref>

John remained Lord of Ireland throughout his reign. He drew on the country for resources to fight his war with Philip on the continent.<ref name="CarpenterP278">Carpenter (2004), p. 278.</ref> Conflict continued in Ireland between the Anglo-Norman settlers and the indigenous Irish chieftains, with John manipulating both groups to expand his wealth and power in the country.<ref name=CarpenterP278/> During Richard's rule, John had successfully increased the size of his lands in Ireland, and he continued this policy as king.<ref>Carpenter (2004), pp. 278–279.</ref> In 1210 the King crossed into Ireland with a large army to crush a rebellion by the Anglo-Norman lords; he reasserted his control of the country and used a new charter to order compliance with English laws and customs in Ireland.<ref>Carpenter (2004), pp. 280–281.</ref> John stopped short of trying to actively enforce this charter on the native Irish kingdoms, but historian David Carpenter suspects that he might have done so, had the baronial conflict in England not intervened. Simmering tensions remained with the native Irish leaders even after John left for England.<ref>Carpenter (2004), p. 282; Duffy, pp. 242–243.</ref>

Royal power in Wales was unevenly applied, with the country divided between the [[marcher lords]] along the borders, royal territories in [[Pembrokeshire]] and the more independent native Welsh lords of North Wales. John took a close interest in Wales and knew the country well, visiting every year between 1204 and 1211 and marrying his illegitimate daughter [[Joan, Lady of Wales|Joan]] to the Welsh prince [[Llywelyn the Great]].<ref>Carpenter (2004), pp. 282–283.</ref> The King used the marcher lords and the native Welsh to increase his own territory and power, striking a sequence of increasingly precise deals backed by royal military power with the Welsh rulers.<ref>Carpenter (2004), p. 283.</ref> A major royal expedition to enforce these agreements occurred in 1211, after Llywelyn attempted to exploit the instability caused by the removal of William de Braose, through the [[Welsh uprising of 1211]].<ref name="CarpenterP284">Carpenter (2004), p. 284.</ref> John's invasion, striking into the Welsh heartlands, was a military success. Llywelyn came to terms that included an expansion of John's power across much of Wales, albeit only temporarily.<ref name=CarpenterP284/>

===Dispute with the Pope and excommunication===
[[File:Innozenz3.jpg|thumb|alt=A painting of Pope Innocent III, wearing his formal robes and a tall, pointed hat.|[[Pope Innocent III]], who excommunicated John in 1209]]
When the [[Archbishop of Canterbury]], Hubert Walter, died on 13 July 1205, John became involved in a dispute with Pope Innocent III that would lead to the King's [[excommunication]]. The Norman and Angevin kings had traditionally exercised a great deal of power over the church within their territories. From the 1040s onwards, however, successive popes had put forward a reforming message that emphasised the importance of the Church being "governed more coherently and more hierarchically from the centre" and established "its own sphere of authority and jurisdiction, separate from and independent of that of the lay ruler", in the words of historian Richard Huscroft.<ref>Huscroft, p. 190.</ref> After the 1140s, these principles had been largely accepted within the English Church, albeit with an element of concern about centralising authority in Rome.<ref name="HuscroftP189TurnerP121">Huscroft, p. 189; Turner, p. 121.</ref> [[Investiture Controversy|These changes]] brought the customary rights of lay rulers such as John over ecclesiastical appointments into question.<ref name=HuscroftP189TurnerP121/> Pope Innocent was, according to historian Ralph Turner, an "ambitious and aggressive" religious leader, insistent on his rights and responsibilities within the church.<ref>Turner, p. 119.</ref>

John wanted [[John de Gray]], the [[Bishop of Norwich]] and one of his own supporters, to be appointed Archbishop of Canterbury, but the [[cathedral chapter]] for [[Canterbury Cathedral]] claimed the exclusive right to elect the Archbishop. They favoured [[Reginald (sub-prior)|Reginald]], the chapter's [[sub-prior]].<ref name="Turner, p. 125">Turner, p. 125.</ref> To complicate matters, the bishops of the [[province of Canterbury]] also claimed the right to appoint the next archbishop.<ref name="Turner, p. 125"/> The chapter secretly elected Reginald and he travelled to Rome to be confirmed; the bishops challenged the appointment and the matter was taken before Innocent.<ref>Turner, pp. 125–126.</ref> John forced the Canterbury chapter to change their support to John de Gray, and a messenger was sent to Rome to inform the papacy of the new decision.<ref name="TurnerP126">Turner, p. 126.</ref> Innocent disavowed both Reginald and John de Gray, and instead appointed his own candidate, [[Stephen Langton]]. John refused Innocent's request that he consent to Langton's appointment, but the Pope consecrated Langton anyway in June 1207.<ref name=TurnerP126/>

John was incensed about what he perceived as an abrogation of his customary right as monarch to influence the election.<ref name=TurnerP126/> He complained both about the choice of Langton as an individual, as John felt he was overly influenced by the Capetian court in Paris, and about the process as a whole.<ref name="TurnerP127">Turner, p. 127.</ref> He barred Langton from entering England and seized the lands of the archbishopric and other papal possessions.<ref name=TurnerP127/> Innocent set a commission in place to try to convince John to change his mind, but to no avail. Innocent then placed [[Papal Interdict of 1208|an interdict]] on England in March 1208, prohibiting clergy from conducting religious services, with the exception of baptisms for the young, and confessions and absolutions for the dying.<ref>Turner, p. 128; Harper-Bill, p. 304.</ref>

[[File:RochesterCastle.JPG|thumb|upright=1.3|left|alt=A photograph of a tall stone castle keep; most of the towers are square, but one, rebuilt after a siege, is circular.|[[Rochester Castle]] in Kent, one of the many properties owned by the disputed [[archbishopric of Canterbury]], and an important fortification in the final years of John's reign]]
John treated the interdict as "the equivalent of a papal declaration of war".<ref name="Turnerp128">Turner, p. 128.</ref> He responded by attempting to punish Innocent personally and to drive a wedge between the English clergymen who might support John and those allying themselves firmly with the authorities in Rome.<ref name=Turnerp128/> John seized the lands of the clergymen unwilling to conduct services, as well as estates linked to Innocent himself; he arrested the illicit concubines that many clerics kept during the period, releasing them only after the payment of fines; he seized the lands of members of the church who had fled England, and he promised protection for those willing to remain loyal to him.<ref name=Turnerp128/> In many cases, individual institutions were able to negotiate terms for managing their own properties and keeping the produce of their estates.<ref>Poole, pp. 446–447.</ref> By 1209 the situation showed no signs of resolution, and Innocent threatened to excommunicate John if he did not acquiesce to Langton's appointment.<ref name="TurnerP131">Turner, p. 131.</ref> When this threat failed, Innocent excommunicated the King in November 1209.<ref name=TurnerP131/> Although theoretically a significant blow to John's legitimacy, this did not appear to worry the King greatly.<ref name=TurnerP131/> Two of John's close allies, Emperor Otto IV and Count [[Raymond VI of Toulouse]], had already suffered the same punishment themselves, and the significance of excommunication had been somewhat devalued.<ref name=TurnerP131/> John simply tightened his existing measures and accrued significant sums from the income of vacant sees and abbeys. One 1213 estimate, for example, suggested the church had lost an estimated 100,000 marks (equivalent to ~£67,000 at the time) to John.<ref>Harper-Bill, p. 306.</ref> Official figures suggest that around 14% of the annual income from the English church was being appropriated by John.<ref>Harper-Bill, p. 307.</ref>

Innocent gave some dispensations as the crisis progressed.<ref name="HarperBillP304">Harper-Bill, p. 304.</ref> Monastic communities were allowed to celebrate Mass in private from 1209 onwards, and late in 1212 the [[Holy Viaticum]] for the dying was authorised.<ref>Harper-Bill, pp. 304–305.</ref> The rules on burials and lay access to churches appear to have been steadily circumvented, at least unofficially.<ref name=HarperBillP304/> Although the interdict was a burden to much of the population, it did not result in rebellion against John. By 1213, though, John was increasingly worried about the threat of a French invasion.<ref name="TurnerP133">Turner, p. 133.</ref> Some contemporary chroniclers suggest that in January of that year, Philip II of France had been charged with deposing John on behalf of the papacy, although it appears that the Pope had merely prepared secret letters in case he needed to claim the credit if Philip successfully invaded England.<ref>Bartlett, pp. 404–405; Turner, p. 133.</ref>

Under mounting political pressure, John finally negotiated terms for a reconciliation, and the papal terms for submission were accepted in the presence of the [[papal legate]] [[Pandulf Verraccio]] in May 1213 at the [[Knights Templar in England#Churches|Templar Church]] at [[Dover]].<ref>Turner, p. 133; Lloyd, p. 213.</ref> As part of the deal, John offered to surrender the Kingdom of England to the papacy for a feudal service of 1,000 marks (equivalent to ~£700 at the time) annually; 700 marks (~£500) for England and 300 marks (~£200) for Ireland, as well as compensation to the Church for any revenue lost during the crisis.<ref>Turner, p. 133; Harper-Bill, p. 308.</ref> The agreement was formalised in the {{Lang|la|Bulla Aurea}}, or Golden [[Papal bull|Bull]]. This resolution produced mixed responses. Although some chroniclers felt that John had been humiliated by the sequence of events, there was little public reaction.<ref>Turner, pp. 133–134.</ref> The Pope benefited from the resolution of his long-standing English problem, but John probably gained more, as Innocent became a firm supporter of John for the rest of his reign. Backing him in both domestic and continental policy issues.<ref name="TurnerP134">Turner, p. 134.</ref> Innocent immediately turned against Philip, calling upon him to reject plans to invade England and to sue for peace.<ref name=TurnerP134/> John paid some of the compensation money he had promised the Church, but he ceased making payments in late 1214, leaving two-thirds of the sum unpaid; Innocent appears to have conveniently forgotten this debt for the good of the wider relationship.<ref>Harper-Bill, p. 308.</ref>