Editing Great Famine (Ireland) (section)

==Eviction==
[[File:Parliament Square, London (2014) - 3.JPG|thumb|[[Henry John Temple, 3rd Viscount Palmerston|Lord Palmerston]], then British Foreign Secretary, evicted some 2,000 of his tenants.]]
[[File:George Bingham, 3rd Earl of Lucan.png|thumb|George Bingham, 3rd Earl of Lucan]]
Landlords were responsible for paying the rates of every tenant whose yearly rent was £4 or less. Landlords whose land was crowded with poorer tenants were now faced with large bills. Many began clearing the poor tenants from their small plots and letting the land in larger plots for over £4 which then reduced their debts. In 1846, there had been some clearances, but the great mass of evictions came in 1847.{{sfn|Litton|2006|p=95}} According to [[James S. Donnelly Jr.]], it is impossible to be sure how many people were evicted during the years of the famine and its immediate aftermath. It was only in 1849 that the police began to keep a count, and they recorded a total of almost 250,000 persons as officially evicted between 1849 and 1854.{{sfn|Póirtéir|1995|p=155}}

Donnelly considered this to be an underestimate, and if the figures were to include the number pressured into "voluntary" surrenders during the whole period (1846–1854), the figure would almost certainly exceed half a million persons.{{sfn|Póirtéir|1995|p=156}} While Helen Litton says there were also thousands of "voluntary" surrenders, she notes also that there was "precious little voluntary about them". In some cases, tenants were persuaded to accept a small sum of money to leave their homes, "cheated into believing the workhouse would take them in".{{sfn|Litton|2006|p=95}}

[[West Clare]] was one of the worst areas for evictions, where landlords turned thousands of families out and demolished their [[wikt:derisory#English|derisory]] cabins. Captain Kennedy in April 1848 estimated that 1,000 houses, with an average of six people to each, had been levelled since November.{{sfn|Litton|2006|p=96}} The Mahon family of Strokestown House evicted 3,000 people in 1847 and were still able to dine on lobster soup.{{sfn|Gibney|2008|p=55}}

After Clare, the worst area for evictions was [[County Mayo]], accounting for 10% of all evictions between 1849 and 1854. [[George Bingham, 3rd Earl of Lucan]], who owned over {{convert|60000|acre|km2|abbr=on}}, was among the worst evicting landlords. He was quoted as saying that "he would not breed paupers to pay priests". Having turned out in the parish of Ballinrobe over 2,000 tenants alone, he then used the cleared land as grazing farms.{{sfn|Litton|2006|p=98}} In 1848, the Marquis of Sligo owed £1,650 to Westport Union; he was also an evicting landlord, though he claimed to be selective, saying that he was only getting rid of the idle and dishonest. Altogether, he cleared about 25% of his tenants.{{sfn|Litton|2006|pp=95–98}}

In 1846 the future Prime Minister of the United Kingdom [[John Russell, 1st Earl Russell]] reported that in one year more than 50,000 Irish families had been "turned out of their wretched dwellings without pity and without refuge...we have made it the most degraded and most miserable country in the world...all the world is crying shame upon us."<ref>{{cite book |last=Macardle |first=Dorothy |author-link= |date=1965 |title=The Irish Republic |url= |location=New York |publisher=Farrar, Straus and Giroux |page=45 |isbn=}}</ref>

In 1847, [[Bishop of Meath]], [[Thomas Nulty]], described his personal recollection of the evictions in a pastoral letter to his clergy:

{{Blockquote|Seven hundred human beings were driven from their homes in one day and set adrift on the world, to gratify the caprice of one who, before God and man, probably deserved less consideration than the last and least of them ... The horrid scenes I then witnessed, I must remember all my life long. The wailing of women—the screams, the terror, the consternation of children—the speechless agony of honest industrious men—wrung tears of grief from all who saw them. I saw officers and men of a large police force, who were obliged to attend on the occasion, cry like children at beholding the cruel sufferings of the very people whom they would be obliged to butcher had they offered the least resistance. The landed proprietors in a circle all around—and for many miles in every direction—warned their tenantry, with threats of their direct vengeance, against the humanity of extending to any of them the hospitality of a single night's shelter ... and in little more than three years, nearly a fourth of them lay quietly in their graves.<ref name="Falc'her-Poyroux">{{cite journal |last=Falc'her-Poyroux |first=Erick |title=The Great Irish Famine in Songs |journal=Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique |volume=XIX |issue=2 |pages=157–172 |date=2014 |issn=2429-4373 |doi=10.4000/rfcb.277 |doi-access=free}}</ref>}}

The population in [[Drumbaragh]], a townland in County Meath, plummeted 67 per cent between 1841 and 1851; in neighbouring Springville, it fell 54 per cent. There were fifty houses in Springville in 1841 and only eleven left in 1871.<ref name="auto"/><ref name="irishcentral.com"/>

According to Litton, evictions might have taken place earlier but for fear of the [[Ribbonism|secret societies]]. However, they were now greatly weakened by the Famine. Revenge still occasionally took place, with seven landlords being shot, six fatally, during the autumn and winter of 1847. Ten other occupiers of land, though without tenants, were also murdered, she says.{{sfn|Litton|2006|p=99}}

One such landlord reprisal occurred in West [[Roscommon]]. The "notorious" Major [[Denis Mahon (British Army officer)|Denis Mahon]] enforced thousands of his tenants into eviction before the end of 1847, with an estimated 60 per cent decline in population in some [[parish]]es. He was shot dead in that year.<ref name="irishtimes.com">{{Cite news |url=https://www.irishtimes.com/news/pioneering-study-charts-population-fall-since-famine-1.588108 |title=Pioneering study charts population fall since Famine |first=Ronan |last=McGreevy |newspaper=[[The Irish Times]] |access-date=4 September 2018 |archive-date=8 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200708200220/https://www.irishtimes.com/news/pioneering-study-charts-population-fall-since-famine-1.588108 |url-status=live}}</ref> In East Roscommon, "where conditions were more benign", the estimated decline in population was under 10 percent.<ref name="irishtimes.com"/>

[[George Villiers, 4th Earl of Clarendon|Lord Clarendon]], alarmed at the number of landlords being shot and that this might mean rebellion, asked for special powers. Lord John Russell was not sympathetic to this appeal. Lord Clarendon believed that the landlords themselves were mostly responsible for the tragedy in the first place, saying that "It is quite true that landlords in England would not like to be shot like hares and partridges ... but neither does any landlord in England turn out fifty persons at once and burn their houses over their heads, giving them no provision for the future." The [[Crime and Outrage Bill (Ireland) 1847|Crime and Outrage Act]] was passed in December 1847 as a compromise, and additional troops were sent to Ireland.{{sfn|Litton|2006|pp=98–99}}

The "Gregory clause", described by Donnelly as a "vicious amendment to the Irish poor law", had been a successful Tory amendment to the Whig poor-relief bill which became law in early June 1847, where its potential as an estate-clearing device was widely recognised in parliament, although not in advance.{{sfn|Póirtéir|1995|p=159}} At first, the poor law commissioners and inspectors viewed the clause as a valuable instrument for a more cost-effective administration of public relief, but the drawbacks soon became apparent, even from an administrative perspective. They would soon view them as little more than murderous from a humanitarian perspective. According to Donnelly, it became obvious that the quarter-acre clause was "indirectly a death-dealing instrument".{{sfn|Donnelly|2005|p=110}}