Editing Ethnic conflict (section)

==== Non-territorial autonomy ====
A recent theory of ethnic tension resolution is [[non-territorial autonomy]] or NTA. NTA has emerged in recent years as an alternative solution to ethnic tensions and grievances in places that are likely to breed conflict.<ref name=":8">{{Cite journal|last=Osipov|first=Alexander|date=2013|title=Non-Territorial Autonomy during and after Communism: In the Wrong or Right Place?|journal=Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe}}</ref> For this reason, NTA has been promoted as a more practical and state building solution than consociationalism.<ref name=":8" /> NTA, alternatively known as non-cultural autonomy (NCA), is based on the difference of ''[[jus soli]]s'' and ''[[jus sanguinis]],'' the principles of territory versus that of personhood.<ref name=":9">{{Cite journal|last=Coakley|first=John|date=1994|title=Approaches to the Resolution of Ethnic Conflict: The Strategy of Non-territorial Autonomy|journal=International Political Science Review|volume=15|issue=3|pages=297–314|doi=10.1177/019251219401500305|s2cid=154019481}}</ref> It gives rights to ethnic groups to self-rule and govern matters potentially concerning but limited to: education, language, culture, internal affairs, religion, and the internally established institutions needed to promote and reproduce these facets.<ref name=":8" /><ref name=":9" /><ref name=":10">{{Cite web|url=http://www.stefanwolff.com/files/ConsociationalTheoryPaper.pdf|title=A Consociational Theory of Conflict Management|last=Wolff|first=Stefan|access-date=2016-05-07|archive-date=2015-02-18|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150218104705/http://www.stefanwolff.com/files/ConsociationalTheoryPaper.pdf|url-status=dead}}</ref> In contrast to federalism, the ethnic groups are not assigned a titular sub-state, but rather the ethnic groups are dispersed throughout the state unit. Their group rights and autonomy are not constrained to a particular territory within the state. This is done in order not to weaken the center state such as in the case of ethnofederalism.<ref name=":4" /><ref name=":0" />

The origin of NTA can be traced back to the Marxists works of [[Otto Bauer]] and [[Karl Renner]].<ref name=":10" /><ref name=":11">{{Cite book|title=Challenge of Non-Territorial Autonomy: Theory and Practice|last=Smith|first=David J.|publisher=Peter Lang|chapter=Challenges of Non-Territorial Autonomy in Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe}}</ref> NTA was employed during the interwar period, and the League of Nations sought to add protection clauses for national minorities in new states.<ref name=":9" /> In the 1920s, [[Estonia]] granted some cultural autonomy to the German and Jewish populations in order to ease conflicts between the groups and the newly independent state.<ref name=":11" />

In Europe, most notably in [[Belgium]], NTA laws have been enacted and created parallel institutions and political parties in the same country.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Dalle Mulle|first=Emmanuel|date=2016|title=Belgium and the Brussels Question: The Role of Non-Territorial Autonomy|journal=Ethnopolitics}}</ref> In Belgium, NTA has been integrated within the federal consociational system.<ref name=":10" /> Some scholars of ethnic conflict resolution claim that the practice of NTA will be employed dependent on the concentration and size of the ethnic group asking for group rights.<ref name=":9" /><ref name=":10" />

Other scholars, such as Clarke, argue that the successful implementation of NTA rests on the acknowledgement in a state of "universal" principles: true [[rule of law]], established [[human rights]], stated guarantees to minorities and their members to use their own quotidien language, religion, and food practices, and a framework of anti-discrimination legislation in order to enforce these rights.<ref name=":12">{{Cite book|title=The Challenge of Non-Territorial Autonomy|last=Clarke|first=Charles|publisher=Peter Lang|chapter=Preface: Using the Ideas of 'Non-Territorial Autonomy' to Avoid Violent Conflict and Meet the Modern Challenges of Nationalism}}</ref> Moreover, no individual can be forced to adhere, identify, or emphasize a particular identity (such as race, gender, sexuality, etc.) without their consent in order for NTA to function for its purpose.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny|last=Sen|first=Amartya|publisher=Penguin|year=2007}}</ref>

Nonetheless, Clarke critiques the weaknesses of NTA in areas such as education, a balance between society wide norms and intracommunity values; policing, for criminal matters and public safety; and political representation, which limits the political choices of an individual if based solely on ethnicity.<ref name=":12" /> Furthermore, the challenge in evaluating the efficacy of NTA lies in the relatively few legal implementations of NTA.