Editing Cesar Chavez (section)

===Expanding beyond California: 1972===
[[File:Phoenix-Santa Rita Hall-1962-1.JPG|250px|thumb|right|The Santa Rita Hall was used as a meeting place for a local Chicano group; Chavez undertook his Arizona fast there.]]

Arizona became the first state to pass a bill that was designed to keep the UFW out of their state; this would criminalize boycotts and make union elections among farm-workers almost impossible.{{sfnm|1a1=Street|1y=1996|1p=374|2a1=Bruns|2y=2005|2p=77|3a1=Pawel|3y=2014|3p=239}} In response, Chavez drove to Arizona and demanded a meeting with [[Governor of Arizona|Governor]] [[Jack Williams (American politician)|Jack Williams]], who refused.{{sfnm|1a1=Bruns|1y=2005|1p=77|2a1=Pawel|2y=2014|2pp=239, 240}} They subsequently launched a campaign to gain a recall election to remove Williams from office.{{sfnm|1a1=Street|1y=1996|1pp=374–375|2a1=Bruns|2y=2005|2p=78|3a1=Pawel|3y=2014|3p=241}} This started the UFW's first major farm-worker campaign outside California.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=239}} Farmworkers rallied outside Williams' office while Chavez embarked on a fast in the [[Santa Rita Center]], a hall used by a local [[Chicano]] group.{{sfnm|1a1=Street|1y=1996|1p=375|2a1=Bruns|2y=2005|2p=77|3a1=Pawel|3y=2014|3p=240}}<ref name="Shaw, R. 2008 p.92">Shaw, R. (2008) ''Beyond the Fields: Cesar Chavez, the UFW, and the struggle for justice in the 21st century'' University of California Press, p. 92.</ref> On the nineteenth day of his fast, Chavez was hospitalized.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=241}} He then broke the fast at a memorial Mass on the anniversary of Robert Kennedy's death, where he was joined by the folk singer [[Joan Baez]].{{sfnm|1a1=Bruns|1y=2005|1p=7|2a1=Pawel|2y=2014|2pp=241–242}} It was during the Arizona campaign that the UFW started using the slogan "Si Se Puede" ("It Can be Done"), which subsequently became closely associated with it.{{sfnm|1a1=Bruns|1y=2005|1p=78|2a1=Pawel|2y=2014|2p=241}}

Chavez increasingly pushed for the UFW to become a national organization, with a token presence being established in Washington, Oregon, Idaho, Texas, and Florida.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=244}} Parts of the union expressed concern that it was now overstretching its resources.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=244}} Chavez also pushed for the [[California Migrant Ministry]], which supported the UFW, to transform into a [[National Farm Worker Ministry]] (NFWM), insisting that the UFW should have the power to veto decisions made by the NFWM.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=242}}

At the AFL-CIO's request, Chavez had suspended the Salinas lettuce boycott, but prepared to relaunch it eight months later as the growers had only conceded to one of their demands.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|pp=244–245}} Tensions grew between the UFW and AFL-CIO, with the latter's president [[George Meany]] concerned that if the UFW broke [[National Labor Relations Act of 1935|the law]] by extending its boycott to cover supermarket chains then the AFL-CIO could be held liable.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=245}} As a result, Chavez formally requested a charter so that the UFW could become an independently chartered union separate from the AFL-CIO; he was loath to do so as it meant losing the AFL-CIO's subsidy.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=245}}

While Chavez had been focusing on Salinas, his brother Richard had been tasked with overseeing the UFW's activities in Delano. In early 1972, Richard visited Chavez and confronted him about the problems in Delano, telling him that the union was losing support among farmworkers and that they were in danger of losing the contracts when they came up for renewal.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=251}} In Richard's opinion, Chavez was losing touch with the union's membership.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=251}} There was anger that members were expected to pay monthly dues to the union when their work was usually seasonal;{{sfn|Pawel|2014|pp=249–250}} there was also frustration at the union's $1-a-week voluntary fund to support the Salinas strikers.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=251}} Part of the membership thought that Chavez's new isolation at La Paz was leading him to take decisions unpopular with the farmworkers.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=251}} There were concerns about the inept and inexperienced volunteers, mostly English-speaking European-Americans, who were running the UFW's hiring halls;{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=254}} growers were complaining that these volunteers were often hostile and uncooperative.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|pp=254–255}} Union branches had been ordering members to miss work to engage in political rallies and Salinas picket lines, further angering growers.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|pp=255–256}} Chavez responded to these criticisms by reassigning his brother away from Delano.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=253}} In late 1972, Richard and Huerta, his partner at the time, briefly left the UFW in frustration with Chavez's leadership.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=257}} Other senior members continued to warn Chavez about the same issues that Richard did, but Chavez dismissed their concerns as grower propaganda.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=253}}

[[File:CAESAR CHAVEZ, MIGRANT WORKERS UNION LEADER - NARA - 544069.tif|thumb|left|Chavez photographed in 1972]]

California growers then organized a ballot on Proposition 22 for November 1972 which would ban boycott campaigns in the state.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=245}} Chavez tasked [[LeRoy Chatfield]] with running the campaign against it; at the ballot, Proposition 22 lost by 58 percent to 42 percent.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=246}}
In April 1973, the UFW's contact with grape growers in the Delano area expired.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=260}} At this, Chavez called a strike in the Coachella Valley.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=261}} The Teamsters union saw this as an opportunity to replace the UFW in representing the region's farmworkers.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|pp=258–259}} The Teamsters organized counter-protests; their picketers were often armed and violent clashes between members of the two unions broke out.{{sfnm|1a1=Bruns|1y=2005|1pp=81–82|2a1=Pawel|2y=2014|2p=261}} The UFW used these instances of Teamster violence to rally public support for their cause.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|pp=262, 264–265}} The AFL-CIO was concerned by this clash between unions, and Meany struck a deal with Chavez that they would provide the UFW with renewed financial support if it pushed for state legislation to govern the rights of farmworkers to organize. Chavez agreed; although he did not want such a law and he thought that Governor Reagan would never agree to it anyway.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=263}} The AFL-CIO gave the UFW $1.6 million, allowing the latter to pay Salinas picketers $75 and later $90 a week.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=265}}

Amid the Delano strike, one of the UFW strikers, the [[Yemeni people|Yemeni]] migrant Nagi Moshin Daifullah, died after an altercation with a police officer breaking up a bar-room fight. The UFW portrayed Daifullah as a martyr for the cause and over 5000 people marched at his funeral, with Chavez fasting for three days.{{sfnm|1a1=Bruns|1y=2005|1p=83|2a1=Pawel|2y=2014|2pp=269–270}} Chavez then called off the Delano strike, stating that he would do so until the federal government guaranteed the safety of UFW protesters; the government believed that this was a cover to conceal the financial problems that the strike was causing the UFW.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=271}} By this point, the UFW had lost much of its membership, and most of its California contracts, to the Teamsters.{{sfnm|1a1=Bruns|1y=2005|1pp=83–84|2a1=Pawel|2y=2014|2p=271}} Many farmworkers found that while the Teamsters appeared less interested in workers' rights, they did not expect their employees to spend their weekends on political campaigns and boycotts as the UFW did.{{sfn|Pawel|2014|p=251}}