Editing Umberto II of Italy (section)

==King of Italy==
[[File:King Umberto II behind of the Flag of Kingdom of Italy.jpg|thumb|King Umberto II at the [[Quirinal Palace]] on his first day as king 10 May 1946.]]
[[File:Crown of Kingdom of Italy.png|thumb|220px|upright|[[Crown]] of the [[Kingdom of Italy]]]]

Umberto earned widespread praise for his role in the following three years, with the Italian historian Giuseppe Mammarella calling Umberto a man "whose Fascist past was less compromising" than that of Victor Emmanuel and who, as Lieutenant General of the Realm, showed certain "progressive" tendencies.<ref>Giuseppe Mammarealla ''Italy After Fascism A Political History 1943–1965'', Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1966 p. 112</ref> In April 1946, a public opinion poll of registered members of the conservative Christian Democratic party showed that 73% were republicans, a poll that caused immense panic in the monarchist camp.<ref name="Norman Kogan p.37">Norman Kogan ''A Political History of Postwar Italy'', London: Pall Mall Press, 1966 p. 37</ref> The American historian Norman Kogan cautioned the poll was of Christian Democratic members, which was not the same thing as Christian Democratic voters who tended to be "...rural, female, or generally apolitical".<ref>Norman Kogan, ''A Political History of Postwar Italy'', London: Pall Mall Press, 1966 p. 37</ref> Nonetheless, the poll led to appeals from Umberto to the ACC to postpone the referendum, leading to the reply that the De Gasperi cabinet had set the date for the referendum, not the ACC.<ref name="Norman Kogan p.37"/> The possibility of losing the referendum also led to the monarchists to appeal to Victor Emmanuel to finally abdicate.<ref>Kogan, Norman ''A Political History of Postwar Italy'', London: Pall Mall Press, 1966 p. 37</ref> De Gasperi and the other Christian Democratic leaders refused to take sides in the referendum, urging Christian Democratic voters to follow their consciences when it came time to vote.<ref name="Giuseppe Mammarealla p. 114">Giuseppe Mammarealla ''Italy After Fascism A Political History 1943–1965'', Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1966 p. 114</ref>

In the belated hope of influencing public opinion ahead of a [[Italian constitutional referendum, 1946|referendum on the continuation of the monarchy]], Victor Emmanuel formally abdicated in favour of Umberto on 9 May 1946 and left for Egypt.<ref name="Denis Mack Smith p.338"/> Before departing for Egypt, Victor Emmanuel saw Umberto for the last time, saying farewell in a cold, emotionless way.<ref name="Denis Mack Smith p.338"/> The Catholic Church saw the continuation of the monarchy as the best way of keeping the Italian left out of power, and during the referendum campaign, Catholic priests used their pulpits to warn that "all the pains of hell" were reserved for those who voted for a republic.<ref name="auto">Denis Mack Smith, ''Italy and Its Monarchy'', New Haven: Yale University Press p. 339</ref> The Catholic Church presented the referendum not as a question of republic vs monarchy, but instead as a question of Communism vs Catholicism, warning to vote for a republic would be to vote for the Communists.<ref name="Norman Kogan p.37"/> On the day before the referendum, 1 June 1946, [[Pope Pius XII]], in a sermon on [[St. Peter's Square]], said in what was widely seen as endorsing Umberto: "What is the problem? The problem is whether one or the other of those nations, of those two Latin sisters [elections were taking place in France on the same day] with several thousands of years of civilisation, will continue to lean against the solid rock of Christianity;... or on the contrary, do they want to hand over the fate of their future to the impossible omnipotence of a secular state without extraterrestrial ideals, without religion, and without God. One of these two alternatives shall occur according to whether the names of the champions or the destroyers of Christian civilization emerge victorious from the urns".<ref name="Giuseppe Mammarealla p. 114"/> Umberto believed that the support from the Catholic Church would be decisive and that he would win the referendum by a narrow margin.<ref name="Denis Mack Smith p.340">Denis Mack Smith, ''Italy and Its Monarchy'', New Haven: Yale University Press p. 340</ref> The De Gasperi cabinet accepted Umberto as King, but refused to accept the standard appellation for Italian kings "by the [[Grace of God]] and the will of the people".<ref name="Denis Mack Smith p.338"/>

In northern Italy, which had been the scene of the guerrilla struggle against the Italian Social Republic and the Germans, much of the population had been radicalised by the struggle, and feelings were very much against the monarchy.<ref name="Denis Mack Smith p.336"/> Kogan wrote Victor Emmanuel's flight from Rome was "bitterly remembered" in the ''Nord'' as an act of cowardice and betrayal by the King who abandoned his people to the German occupation without a fight.<ref>Kogan, Norman ''A Political History of Postwar Italy'', London: Pall Mall Press, 1966 p. 34</ref> The socialist leader [[Sandro Pertini]] warned Umberto not to campaign in Milan as otherwise he would be lynched by the Milanese working class if he should appear in that city.<ref name="Denis Mack Smith p.336"/> Republican cartoonists mercilessly mocked Umberto's physical quirks, as the American historian Anthony Di Renzo wrote that he was: "Tall, stiff, and balding, he had smooth, clean-shaven blue cheeks, thin lips, and a weak chin. Dressed in military uniform as [[First Marshal of the Empire]], decorated with the Supreme Order of the Most Holy Annunciation, he seemed more like a majordomo than a king.<ref name="Di Renzo">{{cite web|last=Di Renzo|first=Anthony|date=14 May 2014|title=Re di Maggio: Pasquino forgives King Umberto II|url=https://italoamericano.org/story/2014-5-12/Re-Di-Maggio|access-date=2019-02-01|publisher=L'Italo-Americano|archive-date=29 March 2019|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190329024024/https://italoamericano.org/story/2014-5-12/Re-Di-Maggio|url-status=dead}}</ref> On the campaign trail, Umberto was received with much more friendliness in the south of Italy than in the north.<ref name="Denis Mack Smith p.338"/> People in the ''[[Mezzogiorno]]'' loved their King, who on the campaign trail in Sicily showed an encyclopedic knowledge of Sicilian villages which greatly endeared him to the Sicilians.<ref name="Di Renzo"/> Umberto's principal arguments for retaining the monarchy were it was the best way to revive Italy as a great power; it was the only institution capable of holding Italy together by checking regional separatism; and it would uphold Catholicism against anti-clericalism.<ref>Denis Mack Smith, ''Italy and Its Monarchy'', New Haven: Yale University Press pp. 338–339</ref> The republicans charged that Umberto had done nothing to oppose Fascism, with his major interest being his "glittering social life" in the high society of Rome and Turin, and that as a general knew that Italy was unready for war in 1940, but did not warn Mussolini against entering the war.<ref>Giuseppe Mammarealla ''Italy After Fascism A Political History 1943–1965'', Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1966 p. 62</ref>

Mack Smith wrote that "some of the more extreme monarchists" expressed doubts about the legitimacy of the referendum, claiming that millions of voters, many of them pro-monarchist, were unable to vote because they had not yet been able to return to their local areas to register.<ref>Denis Mack Smith, ''Italy and Its Monarchy'', New Haven: Yale University Press pp. 339–341</ref> Nor had the issue of Italy's borders been settled definitively, so the voting rights of those in disputed areas had not been satisfactorily clarified. Other allegations were made about voter manipulation, and even the issue of how to interpret the votes became controversial, as it appeared that not just a majority of those validly voting but of those votes cast (including spoiled votes), was needed to reach an outcome in the event the monarchy lost by a tight margin.

On the 2 June 1946 referendum, which saw the participation of almost 90% of voters, over 54% majority voted to make Italy a republic. The conservative, rural ''[[Mezzogiorno]]'' (southern Italy) region voted solidly for the monarchy while the more urbanised and industrialised ''Nord'' (northern Italy) voted equally firmly for a republic.<ref name="Denis Mack Smith p.340"/> In northern Italy, which had been ruled by the Italian Social Republic, the charges of homosexuality made against Umberto had an impact on the voters, causing at least some conservatives to vote for the republic.<ref>Dall'Oroto, Giovanni "Umberto II" from ''Who's Who in Contemporary Gay and Lesbian History'', London: Psychology Press, 2002 pp. 452–453</ref> From his exile in Egypt, where [[King Farouk]] had welcomed him as a guest, Victor Emmanuel expressed no surprise at the result of the referendum as he always viewed Umberto as a failure who was unfit to be King, and claimed that the monarchists would have won the referendum if only he had not abdicated.<ref name="Denis Mack Smith p.340"/> Umberto himself had expected to win the referendum and was deeply shocked when the majority of his subjects chose a republic.<ref name="Denis Mack Smith p.340"/>

The republic was formally proclaimed four days later, ending Umberto's brief (effective 12 June) 34-day reign as King. Umberto at first refused to accept what he called "the outrageous illegality" of the referendum and took his [[abolished monarchy|deposition]] badly.<ref name="Denis Mack Smith p.340"/> In his last official statement as King, Umberto refused to accept the republic, saying he was the victim of a ''[[coup d'état]]'' by his ministers and the referendum had been rigged against him.<ref name="Denis Mack Smith p.340"/><ref>Kogan, Norman ''A Political History of Postwar Italy'', London: Pall Mall Press, 1966 p. 38</ref> In response, De Gasperi, who became Acting President, replied in a press statement: <blockquote>"We must strive to understand the tragedy of someone who, after inheriting a military defeat and a disastrous complicity with dictatorship, tried hard in recent months to work with patience and goodwill towards a better future. But this final act of the thousand-year-old House of Savoy must be seen as part of our national catastrophe; it is an expiation, an expiation forced upon all of us, even those who have not shared directly in the guilt of the dynasty".<ref name="Denis Mack Smith p.340"/></blockquote> Some monarchists advocated using force to prevent a republic from being proclaimed, even at the risk of a civil war, but Mack Smith wrote that: "Common sense and patriotism saved Umberto from accepting such counsel".<ref name="auto"/> Umberto rejected the advice that he should go to Naples, proclaim a rival government to start a civil war in which the Army would presumably side with the House of Savoy, under the grounds that "My House united Italy. I will not divide it".<ref name="Di Renzo"/> The monarchy of the [[House of Savoy]] formally ended on 12 June 1946. Prime Minister [[Alcide de Gasperi]] assumed office as Italy's interim [[Head of State]]. At about 3&nbsp;pm on 13 June 1946, Umberto left the [[Quirinal Palace]] for the last time with the servants assembled in the courtyard to see him off, and many were in tears.<ref name="Di Renzo"/> At [[Ciampino Airport]] in Rome, as Umberto boarded the aeroplane that was to take him to [[Lisbon]], a ''carabiniere'' grabbed him by the hand and said: "Your Majesty, we will never forget you!"<ref name="Di Renzo"/>