Editing Rosa Luxemburg (section)

== Thought<!--'Luxemburgism' and 'Luxemburgist' redirect here--> ==
=== Revolutionary Socialist Democracy and Criticism of the October Revolution ===
[[File:Spdparteischule1907.jpg|thumb|Luxemburg (fourth from left against bookcase) among attendees at the [[Social Democratic Party of Germany|SPD]] party school in 1907]]

Luxemburg initially professed a commitment to democracy and the necessity of revolution. Luxemburg's idea of democracy which [[Stanley Aronowitz]] calls "''generalized'' democracy in an unarticulated form" represents Luxemburg's greatest break with "mainstream communism" since it effectively diminishes the role of the [[communist party]], but it, similar to the views of [[Karl Marx]], states that the working class must "emancipate" themselves without a higher authority.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Hudis |first=Leter |date=2022-09-21 |title=Rosa Luxemburg Was the Great Theorist of Democratic Revolution - Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung |url=https://www.rosalux.de/en/news/id/47060/rosa-luxemburg-was-the-great-theorist-of-democratic-revolution |access-date=2024-10-21 |website=www.rosalux.de |language=en-US}}</ref>

Early on, Luxemburg attacked the [[totalitarianism|totalitarian]] tendencies present in the [[Russian Revolution]] claiming that without democratic institutions and protections, "life dies out in every public institution" and further claimed that such a lack of freedoms would lead to a "dictatorship of a handful of politicians".<ref name="marxists.org"/>

<blockquote>Freedom only for the supporters of the government, only for the members of one party – however numerous they may be – is no freedom at all. Freedom is always and exclusively freedom for the one who thinks differently. Not because of any fanatical concept of "justice" but because all that is instructive, wholesome and purifying in political freedom depends on this essential characteristic, and its effectiveness vanishes when "freedom" becomes a special privilege. [...] But socialist democracy is not something which begins only in the promised land after the foundations of socialist economy are created; it does not come as some sort of Christmas present for the worthy people who, in the interim, have loyally supported a handful of socialist dictators. Socialist democracy begins simultaneously with the beginnings of the destruction of class rule and of the construction of socialism.</blockquote>

In an article published just before the October Revolution, Luxemburg characterised the Russian [[February Revolution]] of 1917 as a "revolution of the proletariat" and said that the "[[Classical liberalism|liberal]] [[bourgeoisie]]" were pushed to movement by the display of "proletarian power". The task of the Russian proletariat, she explained, was now to end the "imperialist" world war in addition to struggling against the "imperialist bourgeoisie". The world war made Russia ripe for a [[Revolutionary socialism|socialist revolution]]. Therefore, "the German proletariat are also [...] posed a question of honour, and a very fateful question".<ref>{{cite book |author-last=Luxemburg |author-first=Rosa |title=Collected Works |volume=2 |page=245 |chapter=The Politics of Mass Strikes and Unions}}</ref> However, in several works, including an essay written from jail and published posthumously by her last companion [[Paul Levi]] (publication of which precipitated his expulsion from the [[Communist International|Third International]]), titled ''The Russian Revolution'', Luxemburg sharply criticised some Bolshevik policies such as their suppression of the Constituent Assembly in January 1918 following the October Revolution and their policy of supporting the purported right of all national peoples to self-determination. According to Luxemburg, the Bolsheviks' strategic mistakes created tremendous dangers for the Revolution such as its bureaucratisation.{{Citation needed|date=January 2025}} She wrote that the shortcomings of the October Revolution reflected a period of "complete failure of the international proletariat".<ref>{{cite book |author-last=Luxemburg |author-first=Rosa |title=Collected Works |volume=4 |page=334 |chapter=On the Russian Revolution }}</ref> Luxemburg further stated:<ref name=":1">{{cite magazine  |date=September 1918 |title=The Russian Tragedy |url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/luxemburg/1918/09/11.htm |magazine=Spartacus |access-date=29 November 2018 |number=11 |author-last=Luxemburg |author-first=Rosa}}</ref><blockquote>The awkward position that the Bolsheviks are in today, however, is, together with most of their mistakes, a consequence of basic insolubility of the problem posed to them by the international, above all the German, proletariat. To carry out the dictatorship of the proletariat and a socialist revolution in a single country surrounded by reactionary imperialist rule and in the fury of the bloodiest world war in human history – that is squaring the circle. Any socialist party would have to fail in this task and perish – whether or not it made self-renunciation the guiding star of its policies.</blockquote>Bolshevik theorists such as Lenin and Trotsky responded to this criticism by arguing that Luxemburg's notions were [[Classical Marxism|classical Marxist]] ones, but they could not be applied to Russia of 1917. They stated that the lessons of actual experience such as the confrontation with the bourgeois parties had forced them to revise the Marxian strategy. As part of this argument, it was pointed out that after Luxemburg herself got out of jail, she was also forced to confront the National Assembly in Germany, a step they compared with their own conflict with the Russian Constituent Assembly.<ref>{{cite book |author-last=Luxemburg |author-first=Rosa |title=Collected Works |volume=4 |page=366 |chapter=Fragment on War, National Questions, and Revolution }}</ref>

Following her observation of the October Revolution, Luxemburg claimed that it was the "historic responsibility" of the German workers to carry out a revolution for themselves and thereby end the war.<ref>{{cite book |author-last=Luxemburg |author-first=Rosa |title=Collected Works |volume=4 |page=374 |chapter=The Historic Responsibility g}}</ref> When the German Revolution began, Luxemburg immediately started to agitate for a social revolution<ref>{{cite book |author-last=Luxemburg |author-first=Rosa |title=Collected Works |volume=4 |page=397 |chapter=The Beginning }}</ref> which she claimed would mitigate the negative consequences of the Bolshevik revolution.<ref name=":1" />

According to Aronowitz, the vagueness of "Luxemburgian" democracy is one reason for its initial difficulty in gaining widespread support. Luxemburg herself clarified her position on democracy in her writings regarding the Russian Revolution and the [[Soviet Union]].{{citation needed|date=May 2023|reason=See discussion [[Talk:Rosa Luxemburg#Can't find quote]]}}

=== ''The Accumulation of Capital'' ===
[[File:Rosa Lux Berlin 1907.jpg|thumb|Luxemburg at home with a book, 1907]]

''[[The Accumulation of Capital]]'' was the only work Luxemburg officially published on economics during her lifetime. In the polemic, she argued that capitalism needs to constantly expand into non-capitalist areas in order to access new supply sources, markets for surplus value and reservoirs of labour.<ref name="Reform or Revolution">{{cite book|author-last1=Luxemburg |author-first1=Rosa |contributor-last=Scott |contributor-first=Helen |contribution=Introduction to Rosa Luxemburg |title=The Essential Rosa Luxemburg: Reform or Revolution and The Mass Strike |url=https://archive.org/details/essentialrosalux00luxe |url-access=limited |date=2008 |publisher=Haymarket Books |location=Chicago |page=[https://archive.org/details/essentialrosalux00luxe/page/n14 18] |isbn=978-1931859363}}</ref> According to Luxemburg, Marx had made an error in {{lang|de|[[Das Kapital]]}} in that the proletariat could not afford to buy the commodities they produced and by his own criteria it was impossible for capitalists to make a profit in a closed-capitalist system since the demand for commodities would be too low and therefore much of the value of commodities could not be transformed into money. According to Luxemburg, capitalists sought to realise profits through offloading surplus commodities onto non-capitalist economies, hence the phenomenon of imperialism as capitalist states sought to dominate weaker economies. However, this was leading to the destruction of non-capitalist economies as they were increasingly absorbed into the capitalist system. With the destruction of non-capitalist economies, there would be no more markets to offload surplus commodities onto and capitalism would break down.<ref name=":0">{{cite book|title=Main Currents of Marxism |author-last=Kołakowski |author-first=Leszek |author-link=Leszek Kołakowski |publisher=W. W. Norton & Company |year=2008 |pages=407–415}}</ref>

''The Accumulation of Capital'' was harshly criticised by both Marxist and non-Marxist economists on the grounds that her logic was circular in proclaiming the impossibility of realising profits in a close-capitalist system and that her [[Underconsumption#Marxian|underconsumptionist]] theory was too crude.<ref name=":0"/> Her conclusion that the limits of the capitalist system drive it to imperialism and war led Luxemburg to a lifetime of campaigning against militarism and colonialism.<ref name="Reform or Revolution"/>

=== ''Dialectic of Spontaneity and Organisation'' ===
[[File:LuxemburgSpeech.jpg|thumb|Luxemburg addressing a crowd in 1907]]

The ''Dialectic of Spontaneity and Organisation'' was the central feature of Luxemburg's political philosophy, wherein [[Revolutionary spontaneity|spontaneity]] is a [[grassroots]] approach to organising a [[Class conflict|class struggle]], and organisation is a top-down or [[Vanguardism|vanguardist]] approach to organising a class struggle. She argued that spontaneity and organisation are not separable or separate activities, but different moments of one political process as one does not exist without the other. These beliefs arose from her view that class struggle evolves from an elementary, spontaneous state to a democratic organisation.<ref>{{cite book|author-first=Rosa |author-last=Luxemburg |chapter=In a Revolutionary Hour: What Next? |title=Collected Works |volume=1 |number=2 |page=554}}</ref> Luxemburg developed the ''Dialectic of Spontaneity and Organisation'' under the influence of mass strikes in Europe, especially the Russian Revolution of 1905.<ref>{{Britannica|352345}}</ref> Unlike the social democratic orthodoxy of the Second International, she regarded the organisation of a socialist movement as a temporary means to worker enlightenment:

<blockquote>Social democracy is simply the embodiment of the modern proletariat's class struggle, a struggle which is driven by a consciousness of its own historic consequences. The masses are in reality their own leaders, dialectically creating their own development process. The more that social democracy develops, grows, and becomes stronger, the more the enlightened masses of workers will take their own destinies, the leadership of their movement, and the determination of its direction into their own hands.<ref>{{cite book |author-last=Luxemburg |author-first=Rosa |title=Collected Works |volume=2 |page=280 |chapter=The Political Leader of the German Working Classes }}</ref></blockquote>

She insisted on setting the class struggle in its historical context, writing "the modern proletarian class does not carry out its struggle according to a plan set out in some book or theory; the modern workers' struggle is a part of history, a part of social progress."<ref>{{cite book |author-last=Luxemburg |author-first=Rosa |title=Collected Works |volume=2 |page=465 |chapter=The Politics of Mass Strikes and Unions }}</ref>