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===Gender=== In general, Korean lacks [[grammatical gender]]. As one of the few exceptions, the [[third-person singular]] pronoun has two different forms: κ·Έ ''geu'' (male) and κ·Έλ ''geunyeo'' (female). Before κ·Έλ was invented in need of translating 'she' into Korean, κ·Έ was the only third-person singular pronoun and had no grammatical gender. Its origin causes κ·Έλ never to be used in spoken Korean but appearing only in writing. To have a more complete understanding of the intricacies of gender in Korean, three models of language and gender that have been proposed: the deficit model, the dominance model, and the cultural difference model. In the deficit model, male speech is seen as the default, and any form of speech that diverges from that norm (female speech) is seen as lesser than. The dominance model sees women as lacking in power due to living within a patriarchal society. The cultural difference model proposes that the difference in upbringing between men and women can explain the differences in their speech patterns. It is important to look at the models to better understand the misogynistic conditions that shaped the ways that men and women use the language. Korean's lack of grammatical gender makes it different from most European languages. Rather, gendered differences in Korean can be observed through formality, intonation, word choice, etc.{{sfnp|Cho|2006|p=189}} However, one can still find stronger contrasts between genders within Korean speech. Some examples of this can be seen in: (1) the softer tone used by women in speech; (2) a married woman introducing herself as someone's mother or wife, not with her own name; (3) the presence of gender differences in titles and occupational terms (for example, a ''sajang'' is a company president, and ''yΕsajang'' is a female company president); (4) females sometimes using more [[tag question]]s and rising tones in statements, also seen in speech from children.{{sfnp|Cho|2006|pp=189β198}} Between two people of asymmetric status in Korean society, people tend to emphasize differences in status for the sake of solidarity. Koreans prefer to use kinship terms, rather than any other terms of reference.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Kim |first=Minju |title=Cross Adoption of language between different genders: The case of the Korean kinship terms hyeng and enni |journal=Proceedings of the Fifth Berkeley Women and Language Conference |location=Berkeley |publisher=Berkeley Women and Language Group |year=1999}}</ref> In traditional Korean society, women have long been in disadvantaged positions. Korean social structure traditionally was a patriarchically dominated family system that emphasized the maintenance of family lines. That structure has tended to separate the roles of women from those of men.<ref>{{cite journal |last=Palley |first=Marian Lief |title=Women's Status in South Korea: Tradition and Change |journal=Asian Survey |volume=30 |number=12 |date=December 1990 |pages=1136β1153|doi=10.2307/2644990 |jstor=2644990 }}</ref> Cho and Whitman (2019) explore how categories such as male and female and social context influence Korean's features. For example, they point out that usage of ''jagi'' (μκΈ° you) is dependent on context. Among middle-aged women, ''jagi'' is used to address someone who is close to them, while young Koreans use ''jagi'' to address their lovers or spouses regardless of gender. Korean society's prevalent attitude towards men being in public (outside the home) and women living in private still exists today. For instance, the word for ''husband'' is ''bakkannyangban'' (λ°κΉ₯μλ° 'outside nobleman'), but a husband introduces his wife as ''ansaram'' (μμ¬λ an 'inside' 'person'). Also in kinship terminology, ''oe'' (μΈ 'outside' or 'wrong') is added for maternal grandparents, creating ''oeharabeoji'' and ''oehalmeoni'' (μΈν μλ²μ§, μΈν λ¨Έλ 'grandfather and grandmother'), with different lexicons for males and females and patriarchal society revealed. Further, in interrogatives to an addressee of equal or lower status, Korean men tend to use ''haennya'' (νλ? 'did it?')' in aggressive masculinity, but women use ''haenni'' (νλ? 'did it?')' as a soft expression.{{sfnp|Brown|2015}} However, there are exceptions. Korean society used the question endings ''-ni'' ({{Korean|hangul=λ|labels=no}}) and ''-nya'' ({{Korean|hangul=λ|labels=no}}), the former prevailing among women and men until a few decades ago. In fact, ''-nya'' ({{Korean|hangul=λ|labels=no}}) was characteristic of the [[Jeolla]] and [[Chungcheong]] dialects. However, since the 1950s, large numbers of people have moved to Seoul from Chungcheong and Jeolla, and they began to influence the way men speak. Recently, women also have used the ''-nya'' ({{Korean|hangul=λ|labels=no}}). As for ''-ni'' ({{Korean|hangul=λ|labels=no}}), it is usually used toward people to be polite even to someone not close or younger. As for ''-nya'' ({{Korean|hangul=λ|labels=no}}), it is used mainly to close friends regardless of gender. Like the case of "actor" and "actress", it also is possible to add a gender prefix for emphasis: ''biseo'' (λΉμ 'secretary') is sometimes combined with ''yeo'' (μ¬ 'female') to form ''yeobiseo'' (μ¬λΉμ 'female secretary'); ''namja'' (λ¨μ 'man') often is added to ''ganhosa'' (κ°νΈμ¬ 'nurse') to form ''namja ganhosa'' (λ¨μ κ°νΈμ¬ 'male nurse').<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Song |first=Sooho |date=2022 |title=Analysis of Gender Pronoun Errors in Korean Speakers' English Speech |url=http://journal.kate.or.kr/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/v77_1_02.pdf |journal=English Teaching |volume=77 |issue=1 |pages=7β8 |doi=10.15858/engtea.77.1.202203.21 |s2cid=247804299 |access-date=21 December 2023 |archive-date=21 December 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20231221211809/http://journal.kate.or.kr/wp-content/uploads/2022/03/v77_1_02.pdf |url-status=live }}</ref> Another crucial difference between men and women is the tone and pitch of their voices and how they affect the perception of politeness. Men learn to use an authoritative falling tone; in Korean culture, a deeper voice is associated with being more polite. In addition to the deferential speech endings being used, men are seen as more polite as well as impartial, and professional. While women who use a rising tone in conjunction with ''-yo'' ({{Korean|hangul=μ|labels=no}}) are not perceived to be as polite as men. The ''-yo'' ({{Korean|hangul=μ|labels=no}}) also indicates uncertainty since the ending has many prefixes that indicate uncertainty and questioning while the deferential ending has no prefixes to indicate uncertainty. The ''-hamnida'' ({{Korean|hangul=ν©λλ€|labels=no}}) ending is the most polite and formal form of Korea, and the ''-yo'' ({{Korean|hangul=μ|labels=no}}) ending is less polite and formal, which reinforces the perception of women as less professional.{{sfnp|Brown|2015}}{{sfnp|Cho|2006|pp=193β195}} Hedges and euphemisms to soften assertions are common in women's speech. Women traditionally add nasal sounds ''neyng'', ''neym'', ''ney-e'' in the last syllable more frequently than men. Often, ''l'' is added in women's for female stereotypes and so ''igeolo'' (μ΄κ±°λ‘ 'this thing') becomes ''igeollo'' (μ΄κ±Έλ‘ 'this thing') to communicate a lack of confidence and passivity.{{sfnp|Sohn|2006}}{{page needed|date=January 2022}} Women use more linguistic markers such as exclamation ''eomeo'' (μ΄λ¨Έ 'oh') and ''eojjeom'' (μ΄μ© 'what a surprise') than men do in cooperative communication.{{sfnp|Brown|2015}}
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