Editing History of Missouri (section)

==Civil War and Reconstruction (1861–1874)==
{{Main|Missouri in the Civil War}}
The population of the Mississippi River region served by St Louis increased rapidly to about 4 million people in 1860.<ref>See [http://www.civilwarhome.com/population1860.htm  Shows that the total population of the states ]</ref> With railroads just beginning to be important in the late 1850s, the riverboat traffic dominated the transportation and trade worlds, and St. Louis flourished at the center, with connections east along the Ohio, Illinois, Cumberland and Tennessee rivers, west along the Missouri River, and north and south along the Mississippi.

===Elections and the Camp Jackson Affair===
Beginning in 1852 the party structure and political governance of Missouri, like much of the country, underwent significant changes.<ref name="meyer 1982 341">Meyer (1982), 341.</ref> In the gubernatorial elections of 1852, the Democratic candidate [[Sterling Price]] won office as a slaveowner and well-known veteran of the [[Mexican–American War]].<ref name="meyer 1982 342">Meyer (1982), 342.</ref> Price strongly supported the efforts of pro-slavery Missourians in Kansas, and he served as governor until 1857.<ref name="meyer 1982 342" /> During his term, the [[Whig Party (United States)|Whig Party]] collapsed, and in the 1856 election for governor, [[Trusten Polk]] won election as the leader of an anti-Benton faction of Democrats.<ref name="meyer 1982 342" /> But only a month into his term, Polk resigned the governorship upon being selected senator from Missouri.<ref name="meyer 1982 342" /> In the special election that followed, Benton Democrats and former Whigs joined in support of [[James S. Rollins]], but he was ultimately defeated in a close election by another anti-Benton Democrat, [[Robert M. Stewart]].<ref name="meyer 1982 342" /> Stewart's term as governor was relatively uneventful; his administration stressed the importance of both the Union and the institution of slavery.<ref name="meyer 1982 342" /> Perhaps his most notable actions were in preserving the state's nascent railroad system in the face of foreclosures, despite its financial shortcomings.<ref name="meyer 1982 342" />

In April 1860 [[Claiborne Fox Jackson]] secured the Democratic Party nomination for Missouri governor in a close intraparty convention vote.<ref name="parrish1">Parrish (1973), 1.</ref> In mid-1860, Jackson officially supported the Northern Democrat [[Stephen A. Douglas]] for president, although he personally sympathized with the Southern Democrat [[John C. Breckinridge]].<ref name="parrish2">Parrish (1973), 2.</ref><ref name="meyer 1982 344">Meyer (1982), 344.</ref> Because of his decision, Southern Democrats nominated their own slate for Missouri governor and lieutenant governor.<ref name="parrish2" /><ref name="meyer 1982 344" /> In addition to the Breckinridge Southern Democrats, Jackson faced the newly formed Republican Party, which had a major base of support among the Germans of St. Louis.<ref name="parrish2" /><ref name="meyer 1982 344" /> However, Jackson's major opponent in the general election was the [[Constitutional Union Party (United States)|Constitutional Union Party]] nominee Sample Orr.<ref name="parrish2" /><ref name="meyer 1982 344" /> In the August 1860 gubernatorial election, Jackson defeated Orr, the Breckinridge Southern Democrat nominee, and the Republican nominee by a large margin.<ref name="parrish2" /><ref name="meyer 1982 344" />

Running up to the November election for president, Jackson continued to support Stephen Douglas, but he made no effort to campaign for him in Missouri.<ref name="parrish3">Parrish (1973), 3.</ref> Ultimately, Douglas won the state in the [[Election of 1860|1860 presidential election]] by a margin of 429 votes over [[John Bell (Tennessee politician)|John Bell]], the Constitutional Unionist.<ref name="parrish3" /> In early December, most of Missouri's banks suspended payment in [[Coin|specie]] given the political uncertainty surrounding South Carolina's withdrawal from the union.<ref name="parrish3" /> The effect of the economic turmoil was high unemployment in St. Louis and a scarcity of currency in the surrounding area.<ref name="parrish3" /> During Jackson's January 1861 inaugural address, he blamed Northern abolitionists for the crisis facing the United States, and he claimed to hope that the Union would not coerce South Carolina to withdraw its secession.<ref name="parrish4">Parrish (1973), 4.</ref> He requested a convention to decide Missouri's future and to debate the merits of secession, and he immediately called up the state militia.<ref name="parrish4" /> His lieutenant governor, [[Thomas Caute Reynolds]], began working to organize the militia force in preparation for secession.<ref name="parrish5">Parrish (1973), 5.</ref> He led a secessionist meeting on the day following the inauguration at which it was decided that St. Louis held the key to control of the state, while control of St. Louis depended upon control of its federal arsenal.<ref name="parrish5" />

The secessionists' great rivals for control of St. Louis were [[Francis Preston Blair Jr.|Frank P. Blair]], a [[Free Soil Party]] congressman, and Oliver D. Filley, the Free Soil mayor of the city.<ref name="parrish5" /> After Lincoln's election, Blair began organizing the Republican Wide Awake clubs, which had been primarily composed of antislavery Germans, with other pro-Union groups in the city into Home Guard military units.<ref name="parrish5" /> To combat the rise of these units, Reynolds convinced the legislature to create a state-appointed board to govern the St. Louis Police Department, effectively placing the police under state control.<ref name="parrish5" /> The board's first appointments were made by Jackson at the end of March, and meanwhile, Reynolds went to St. Louis to recruit a secessionist military unit known as the Minute Men.<ref name="parrish5" /> The local militia commander began consultations with then-arsenal commander William H. Bell, who gave assurances that the arsenal would be turned over to the state forces.<ref name="parrish6">Parrish (1973), 6.</ref>

When elections for representatives to the state convention called for by Jackson, voters overwhelmingly selected men running under pro-Union labels.<ref name="parrish6" /> No representatives were elected who called openly for secession, while four openly Republican representatives were elected from St. Louis.<ref name="parrish6" /> Two demographic factors generally led to this result: the relatively small population of slaveholders in Missouri, and the relatively large population of Northern and foreign-born immigrants to the state.<ref name="parrish7">Parrish (1973), 7.</ref> Economically, the state was tied to the North via trade, with increasing overland trade on rail lines in Illinois, while the South offered little in terms of economic or military security to the state.<ref name="parrish8">Parrish (1973), 8.</ref>

When the convention met in March 1861, it ultimately selected [[Hamilton R. Gamble]], a retired lawyer, to write the report of its findings.<ref name="parrish9">Parrish (1973), 9.</ref> In it, the convention noted that it approved of the [[Crittenden Compromise]] (despite its recent rejection by the U.S. Congress) and of a national convention to preserve slavery; it recommended that the federal government remove its forces from seceded states to avoid military conflict.<ref name="parrish9" /> The convention rejected recommending that the state join the [[Confederate States of America|Confederacy]] if the North rejected compromise and if other border states left the Union.<ref name="parrish10">Parrish (1973), 10.</ref>

The beginning of hostilities at Fort Sumter led President Lincoln to request 75,000 volunteers from the states; however, Governor Jackson flatly rejected the request for 4,000 troops from Missouri.<ref name="parrish10" /> To fill the quota, Frank Blair offered the enlistment of the Home Guards to fill the quota, an offer which was accepted by the federal government.<ref name="parrish10" /> In its acceptance, the federals recalled U.S. Army departmental commander [[William S. Harney]], who had been viewed by Blair as too slow to react to the threat of the militia.<ref name="parrish10" /> In his place was appointed Captain [[Nathaniel Lyon]], who was much more aligned with Blair's interests, and he arrived in February 1861.<ref name="parrish10" />

Within weeks Lyon had sent surplus weapons from the arsenal to safer locations in Illinois and mustered an additional ten thousand soldiers under his command to defend the state.<ref name="parrish11">Parrish (1973), 11.</ref> The state militia, under the control of Jackson and the secessionists, began training throughout the state after the legislature gave its approval on May 2.<ref name="parrish12">Parrish (1973), 12.</ref> The militia commander requested artillery from the Confederate government and the state of Virginia, both of which accepted and began sending aid secretly up the Mississippi River.<ref name="parrish12" /> In an attempt to ascertain the strength of the encampment, Lyon entered under disguise, and, noting small Confederate flags and references to [[Jefferson Davis]], decided to clear the camp using federal troops from the arsenal.<ref name="parrish13">Parrish (1973), 13.</ref>

In what became known as the [[Camp Jackson Affair]], Union forces marched to the militia camp (named for Governor Jackson), encircled it, and took the militia prisoners without a fight.<ref name="parrish11" /> While the soldiers were accompanying the prisoners back to the arsenal, a drunk civilian fired a pistol in the air, provoking the soldiers to fire upon the crowds that had gathered to observe the march.<ref name="parrish14">Parrish (1973), 14.</ref> In the melee that followed, 28 civilians were killed and dozens of others were injured.<ref name="parrish14" /> After the shooting, many previously undecided Missourians came to a firm stance regarding the Union and secession; for Unionists in rural Missouri, this frequently meant a difficult position because of a lack of Union presence in the area.<ref name="parrish14" />

===Early battles and the opening of war in Missouri===
After Camp Jackson the General Assembly felt pressed to act against the Union; it quickly passed laws bills enrolling all able men into the state militia and granting funds to it.<ref name="parrish16">Parrish (1973), 16.</ref> Meanwhile, General Harney returned to St. Louis after having been captured by rebel forces in Virginia; he was released after refusing to align with them, then persuaded the [[United States Department of Defense|War Department]] that he would hold Missouri in the Union.<ref name="parrish16"/> Upon his return to Missouri he retroactively approved Lyon's capture of Camp Jackson, then secured warrants to search and seize illegal weapons in the area.<ref name="parrish16"/> He also sent forces to nearby [[Potosi, Missouri|Potosi]] to secure its supply of lead and the railroad line connecting it to St. Louis.<ref name="parrish17">Parrish (1973), 17.</ref>

Jackson continued during mid-1861 to reorganize and train the state militia, which had taken on the name of the Missouri State Guard.<ref name="parrish17"/> Jackson named [[Sterling Price]] as the commander of the state guard, and he began organizing thousands of recruits into newly formed units.<ref name="parrish17"/> In response, Union supporters sent representatives to Washington to request that Lincoln stay the course and maintain Harney as the commander of Union forces in Missouri; others, particularly allies of Frank Blair, sought a more radical course and pushed for Harney's replacement by Lyon.<ref name="parrish17"/> Ultimately, Lincoln initially decided to remove Harney only after several weeks had passed, in an effort to give him an opportunity to complete his moderate goals.<ref name="parrish17"/> Ultimately, however, he permitted Blair to remove Harney and appoint Lyon as the new Union commander whenever Blair saw fit.<ref name="parrish18">Parrish (1973), 18.</ref>

Blair received this permission on May 20, the same day Harney concluded a negotiated settlement with Sterling Price regarding troop movements in Missouri.<ref name="parrish18"/> According to the agreement, Price would keep his militia out of Greater St. Louis, while Harney would refrain from troop movements into rural Missouri.<ref name="parrish18"/><ref name="meyer 1982 355">Meyer (1982), 355.</ref> In addition, Price dismissed most of the militia forces gathered in Jefferson City, excepting for some reserved to keep order.<ref name="parrish18"/> Historians differ on Price's motivation for the agreement; some argue that he was attempting to slow the Union's progress and desired to bring Missouri into the Confederacy,<ref name="kirkpatrick">Kirkpatrick (1961), 235–66.</ref> while others suggest he was genuine in his desire to prevent fighting.<ref name="shalhope">Shalhope (1971), 160–164.</ref><ref name="parrish19">Parrish (1973), 19.</ref> Despite the agreement, some companies of pro-Confederate forces remained in Jefferson City, Confederate flags flew at the Governor's Mansion, and Jackson was secretly negotiating with agents from the Confederate government at Richmond.<ref name="parrish20">Parrish (1973), 20.</ref> Pro-secessionists such as Lieutenant Governor Reynolds loathed the agreement between Price and Harney, and Reynolds distrusted Price's loyalty for the remainder of the war.<ref name="parrish21">Parrish (1973), 21.</ref>

Unionists in St. Louis also were perturbed by the agreement and reports indicating the harassment of outstate Unionists.<ref name="parrish21"/> Blair, reacting to pressure from the Unionist community, delivered the order removing Harney on May 30 and giving command to Lyon.<ref name="meyer 1982 355"/><ref name="parrish21"/> Moderates on both sides continued to hope to prevent fighting and, in that vein, arranged a conference in St. Louis on June 11 among the leadership, including Jackson, Price, Blair, and Lyon.<ref name="meyer 1982 355"/><ref name="parrish22">Parrish (1973), 22.</ref> After several hours of arguing the right of the Union to recruit in outstate Missouri, Lyon decided that the meeting had come to an impasse.<ref name="parrish22"/> Standing from the group, Lyon spoke to Jackson and Price:

{{Blockquote|Rather than concede to the State of Missouri the right to demand that my Government shall not enlist troops within her limits, or bring troops into the State whenever it pleases, or move its troops at its own will into, out of, or through the State; rather than concede to the State of Missouri for one single instant the right to dictate to my Government in any matter however unimportant, I would see you, and you, and you, and every man, woman and child in the State, dead and buried. This means war.|Nathaniel Lyon<ref name="parrish22"/><ref name="meyer 1982 356">Meyer (1982), 356.</ref>}}

Jackson and Price quickly retreated to Jefferson City, planning their actions and only stopping to burn bridges at the Gasconade and Osage rivers.<ref name="parrish22"/><ref name="meyer 1982 357">Meyer (1982), 357.</ref> Ordering the state guard to renew preparations for war, Price determined that a capital at Boonville would be better defended than at Jefferson City, and state government removed from there on June 13.<ref name="parrish23">Parrish (1973), 23.</ref> By June 15, Lyon captured an empty Jefferson City with 2,000 troops.<ref name="meyer 1982 357"/><ref name="parrish23"/><ref name="meyersizenote">Meyer (1982) suggests Lyon's force was more properly at about 1,700 troops.</ref> Lyon immediately detached 300 troops to hold the capital and began pursuit of the Confederate state guard to Boonville.<ref name="meyer 1982 365">Meyer (1982), 365.</ref>

Price and the main part of the Confederate militia, meanwhile, had moved from Boonville after hearing that Union forces had moved on [[Lexington, Missouri]], which Price thought crucial to the success of secession in the state.<ref name="parrish24">Parrish (1973), 24.</ref> Price also had fallen ill, and Governor Jackson and a state guard colonel remained to lead a small militia force of 400 to hold Boonville.<ref name="meyer 1982 366">Meyer (1982), 366.</ref> Lyon and main Union force caught up with this remnant of the state guard, and the Union easily routed the secessionists at the [[Battle of Boonville]].<ref name="parrish24"/><ref name="meyer 1982 366"/> Price regrouped the remnants of the state guard and began a retreat to the southern border of Missouri.<ref name="parrish24"/>

In pursuit of Price and the state guard, Lyon ordered a St. Louis detachment commanded by [[Franz Sigel]] to move to southwest Missouri in an attempt to prevent Price's guard from meeting with the army of Confederate General [[Benjamin McCulloch]], then operating in Arkansas.<ref name="meyer 1982 367">Meyer (1982), 367.</ref> In that vein, Sigel moved via the Pacific Railroad to [[Rolla, Missouri|Rolla]], then marched on [[Springfield, Missouri|Springfield]], which they occupied on June 23.<ref name="meyer 1982 367"/><ref name="parrish25">Parrish (1973), 25.</ref> Moving west from Springfield, Sigel's forces encountered Jackson and his retreating army on July 7 at the [[Battle of Carthage (1861)|Battle of Carthage]].<ref name="parrish25"/> Outnumbered 4,000 to 1,000, the Union forces under Sigel were defeated and retreated to Springfield to wait for reinforcements from Lyon.<ref name="meyer 1982 367"/><ref name="parrish25"/><ref name="meyercarthagenote">Sigel's retreat from battle fortuitously came shortly before an additional 6,000 state guard troops arrived.</ref> The state guard forces under Price moved into camp at Cowskin Prairie, near [[Granby, Missouri|Granby]].<ref name="meyer 1982 368">Meyer (1982), 368.</ref>

In the northwest from [[Fort Leavenworth]], [[Samuel Sturgis]] led Union troops to [[St. Joseph, Missouri|St. Joseph]], then headed south to Lexington in pursuit of Price.<ref name="parrish25"/> In northeastern Missouri, Iowan Union forces moved on [[Hannibal, Missouri|Hannibal]] and secured the railroad line connecting the city to St. Joseph, thereby securing northern Missouri for the Union.<ref name="parrish25"/>

The majority of St. Louis business leaders supported the Union and rejected efforts by Confederate sympathizers to take control of the St. Louis Chamber of Commerce in January 1862. Federal authorities intervened in this struggle but the conflict splintered the Chamber of Commerce into two organizations. The pro-Unionists finally gained the ascendancy and St. Louis became a major supply base for the Union forces in the entire Mississippi Valley.<ref name="vaughnjohnson18-31">Vaughn Johnson (1995), 18–31.</ref>

Shortly afterward the 12,000-man force of the combined elements of the Missouri State Guard, Arkansas State Guard, and Confederate regulars soundly defeated the Federal army of [[Nathaniel Lyon]] at [[Battle of Wilson's Creek|Wilson's Creek]] or "Oak Hills".

Following the success at Wilson's Creek, southern forces pushed northward and captured the 3500-strong garrison at the first [[Battle of Lexington I|Battle of Lexington]]. Federal forces contrived to campaign to retake Missouri, causing the Southern forces to retreat from the state and head for Arkansas and later Mississippi.

In Arkansas the Missourians fought at the battle of Pea Ridge, meeting defeat. In Mississippi, elements of the Missouri State Guard participated in the struggles at [[Second Battle of Corinth|Corinth]] and [[Battle of Iuka|Iuka]], where they suffered heavy losses.

===Political upheaval during the war===
In 1861 Union General [[John C. Fremont]] issued a proclamation that freed slaves who had been owned by those that had taken up arms against the Union. Lincoln immediately reversed this unauthorized action. Secessionists tried to form their own state government, joining the Confederacy and establishing a [[Confederate government of Missouri|Confederate government in exile]] first in [[Neosho, Missouri|Neosho]], Missouri and later in Texas (at [[Marshall, Texas]]). By the end of the war, Missouri had supplied 110,000 troops for the [[United States Army|Union Army]] and 40,000 troops for the [[Confederate Army]].<ref>Piston, William Barrett. [https://www.battlefields.org/learn/articles/battle-wilsons-creek-and-struggle-missouri#:~:text=Some%2040%2C000%20Missouri%20Confederates%20fought,his%20march%20to%20the%20sea. The Battle of Wilson's Creek and the Struggle for Missouri]. ''American Battlefield Trust''. Retrieved January 30, 2021.</ref>

During the Civil War [[Charles D. Drake]], a former Democrat, became a fierce opponent of slavery, and a leader of the [[Radical Republicans]]. In 1861 to 1863 he proposed without success the immediate and uncompensated emancipation of slaves. He was defeated by the conservative Republicans led by Governor [[Hamilton Gamble]] and supported by President Abraham Lincoln. By 1863 Drake had built up his Radical faction and called for immediate emancipation, a new constitution, and a system of systematic disfranchisement of all Confederate sympathizers in Missouri.

===Later battles and guerrilla warfare in Missouri===
[[File:NPS CW at a Glance Western 1864.jpg|thumb|400px|Price's Raid in the Western Theater, 1864]]
In 1864 Sterling Price plotted to attack Missouri, launching his [[Price's Raid|1864 raid on the state]]. Striking in the southeastern portion of the state, Price moved north, and attempted to capture [[Battle of Fort Davidson|Fort Davidson]] but failed. Next, Price sought to attack St. Louis but found it too heavily fortified. He then broke west in a parallel course with the Missouri River. The Federals attempted to retard Price's advance through both minor and substantial skirmishing such as at [[Battle of Glasgow, Missouri|Glasgow]] and [[battle of Lexington II|Lexington]]. Price made his way to the extreme western portion of the state, taking part in a series of bitter battles at the [[battle of Little Blue River|Little Blue]], [[battle of Independence II|Independence]], and [[battle of Byram's Ford|Byram's Ford]]. His Missouri campaign culminated in the [[battle of Westport]] in which over 30,000 troops fought, leading to the defeat of the Southern army. The Missourians retreated through [[Kansas]] and [[Oklahoma]] into Arkansas, where they stayed for the remainder of the war.
In 1865, Missouri abolished slavery, doing so before the adoption of the [[Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution]], by an ordinance of immediate emancipation. Missouri adopted a new constitution, one that denied voting rights and had prohibitions against certain occupations for former Confederacy supporters.

Besides organized military conflict, Missouri was beset by [[guerrilla warfare]]. In such a bitterly divided state, neighbors frequently used the excuse of war to settle personal grudges and took up arms against neighbors. Roving [[insurgent]] bands such as [[Quantrill's Raiders]] and the supporters of [[Bloody Bill Anderson]] terrorized the countryside, striking both military installations and civilian settlements. Because of the widespread guerrilla conflict, and support by citizens in border counties, Federal leaders issued [[General Order № 11 (1863)|General Order No. 11]] in 1863, and evacuated areas of Jackson, Cass, and Bates counties. They forced the residents out to reduce support for the guerrillas. Union cavalry could sweep through and track down Confederate guerrillas, who no longer had places to hide and people and infrastructure to support them. On short notice, the army forced almost 20,000 people, mostly women, children, and the elderly, to leave their homes. Many never returned, and the affected counties were economically devastated for years after the end of the war. Families passed stories of their bitter experiences down through several generations.<ref name="bohl44-51">Bohl (2004), 44–51.</ref>

Western Missouri was the scene of brutal guerrilla warfare during the Civil War, and some marauding units became organized criminal gangs after the war. In 1882, the bank robber and ex-Confederate guerrilla [[Jesse James]] was killed in [[Saint Joseph, Missouri|Saint Joseph]]. Vigilante groups appeared in remote areas where law enforcement was weak, to deal with the lawlessness left over from the guerrilla warfare phase. For example, the [[Bald Knobbers]] were the term for several law-and-order vigilante groups in the Ozarks. In some cases, they too turned to illegal gang activity.<ref name="ingenthron">Ingenthron (1988).</ref>

===Welfare===
The [[Western Sanitary Commission]] was a private agency based in St. Louis that was a rival of the larger [[U.S. Sanitary Commission]]. It operated during the war to help the U.S. Army deal with sick and wounded soldiers. It was led by abolitionists and especially after the war focused more on the needs of Freedmen. It was founded in August 1861, under the leadership of Reverend [[William Greenleaf Eliot]] (1811–87), a Yankee, to care for the wounded soldiers after the opening battles. It was supported by private fundraising in the city of St. Louis, as well as from donors in California and New England. Parrish explains it selected nurses, provided hospital supplies, set up several hospitals, and outfitted several hospital ships. It also provided clothing and places to stay for freedmen and refugees, and set up schools for black children. It continued to finance various philanthropic projects until 1886.<ref name="parrish1990-17-35">Parrish (1990), 17–35.</ref>

===Radicalism and Reconstruction===
In November 1864 national and statewide elections gave the [[Radical Republicans]] strong majorities.<ref name="parrish 1973 114">Parrish (1973), 114.</ref> In the General Assembly, most newly elected representatives were relatively young farmers; 56 percent of Radicals were under 45, and 36 percent worked in agriculture. In congressional elections, all but one of the victors was a Republican, and voters passed a proposal for a state convention to rewrite the state constitution. Any person who had given any sort of indirect support to the Confederacy lost his vote and the right to hold office or practice a profession.<ref name="parrish 1973 114"/>

Drake served as vice president of the 1865 state constitutional convention, where he stood out as the most active leader. Republican leader [[Carl Schurz]] commented about him, "in politics he was inexorable ... most of the members of his party, especially in the country districts, stood much in awe of him."<ref>{{cite book|author=Carl Schurz|title=The Reminiscences of Carl Schurz|publisher=J. Murray|url=https://archive.org/details/reminiscencesofc0003schu|year=1909|page=[https://archive.org/details/reminiscencesofc0003schu/page/294 294]}}</ref> The state convention began deliberating on January 7, 1865, in St. Louis; the group was, like the General Assembly, dominated by relatively young Radical Republicans. Among the first measures taken by the convention was the passage of an [[abolitionism in the United States|emancipation]] ordinance on January 11 that took effect immediately. It freed all of the slaves in Missouri, without compensation to the owners.<ref>Parrish, ''A History of Missouri: 1860 to 1875'' (1973) pp 116–17.</ref>

The new Constitution was adopted and became known as the "Drake constitution." The Radicals maintained absolute control of the state from 1865 to 1871, with Drake as their leader. The new government replaced hundreds of locally elected officials and appointed their own officials to take control of local affairs. The Radicals disfranchised every man who had supported the Confederacy, even indirectly. They made an 81-point checklist of actions that could cause disfranchisement and imposed an [[Ironclad Oath]] on all professional men, and government officeholders.<ref name=Finkelman/><ref name=Cummings/><ref name=Kohl/>

It became a highly controversial political issue that split the Republican party. The German Republicans in particular were angry. Historians have emphasized the desire for power, revenge, and equal rights for blacks. The radicals had another goal as well: They used disfranchisement of ex-Confederates as a method of encouraging them to leave Missouri and to discourage southern whites with the same ideals from migrating into Missouri. The idea was that Missouri would attract Northerners and European immigrants, thus generating economic growth and social progress.<ref name=Kohl>Martha Kohl, "Enforcing a Vision of Community: The Role of the Test Oath in Missouri's Reconstruction." ''Civil War History'' 40.4 (1994): 292–307.</ref> In 1867 the United States Supreme Court held that the federal ironclad oath for attorneys and the similar Missouri state oath for ministers, lawyers teachers, and other professionals were unconstitutional, because they violated the constitutional prohibitions against [[Bill of attainder|bills of attainder]] and [[ex post facto law]]s.<ref name=Finkelman>{{cite book|editor=Paul Finkelman|title=Religion and American Law: An Encyclopedia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nWO2AgAAQBAJ&pg=PT133|year=1999|publisher=Routledge|pages=133–34|isbn=9781136919565}}</ref><ref name=Cummings>''Cummings v. Missouri,'' 4 Wall. 277 (1867); ''Ex parte Garland,'' 4 Wall. 333 (1867).</ref><ref>Harold Hyman, ''To try men's souls'' (1959), p 261</ref>

To further bolster their voting base, the Radicals sought the franchise for all black men in Missouri. A statewide referendum in 1868, the Democrats were solidly negative, while Republicans split their vote, and black suffrage was defeated with 55,000 favor and 74,000 opposed. Missouri black men finally got the vote in 1870 with the passage of the 15th Amendment.<ref>Martha Kohl, "From Freedom to Franchise: The Debate over African American Enfranchisement, 1865–1870" ''Gateway Heritage'' 16 (1996): 22–35.</ref> Meanwhile, the Radical faction increasingly lost support inside Missouri to the Liberal Republicans led by Senator Carl Schurz and Governor [[Benjamin Gratz Brown]].<ref>William E. Parrish, "Reconstruction Politics in Missouri, 1865–1870." in Richard O. Curry, ed. ''Radicalism, Racism, and Party Realignment: The Border States during Reconstruction'' (1969) pp: 1–36.</ref>

===Return to political conservatism===
Radical rule alienated group after group, diminishing the strength of the Republican Party. One critical element were the German Americans, who had voted 80 percent for Lincoln in 1860, and who strongly supported the war effort. They were a bastion of the Republican Party in St. Louis and other immigrant strongholds. The German Americans were angered by a proposed state constitution that discriminating against Catholics and freethinkers. The requirement of a special loyalty oath for priests and ministers was troublesome. Despite their strong opposition the constitution was ratified in 1865. Racial tensions with the blacks began to emerge, especially in terms of competition for unskilled labor jobs. Germania was nervous about black suffrage in 1868, fearing that blacks would support puritanical laws Especially regarding the prohibition of beer gardens on Sundays. The tensions split off a large German element in 1872, which supported the [[Liberal Republican party]] led by [[Benjamin Gratz Brown]] for governor in 1870 and [[Horace Greeley]] for president in 1872.<ref>Kristen L. Anderson, "German Americans, African Americans, and the Republican Party in St. Louis, 1865–1872." ''Journal of American Ethnic History'' 28.1 (2008): 34–51. [https://www.jstor.org/stable/27501880 in JSTOR]</ref> The split between the Radical Republicans and the Liberal Republicans proved fatal to the party. Most started to vote for the Democrats. Furthermore, the nationwide [[Panic of 1873]] was a severe economic depression that undermined the Republican promises of prosperity. Violence grew much more serious, with many attacks on banks and trains. The farmers started to organize to protect their interests. In August 1874, the Democratic Party nominated [[Charles Henry Hardin]] as a compromise candidate for governor.<ref>Christensen (2004), 5.</ref> They nominated agriculturalist [[Norman Jay Colman]] as candidate for lieutenant governor. He drew support from rural areas due to his endorsement of [[Free Silver]] and his desire to repeal the [[National Bank Act]]. The team was elected by a landslide and the Republican era was nearly over.<ref>Parrish, ''Missouri'' (1973) 3:280-90.</ref>

In May 1875 delegates drafted a conservative constitution to replace the Radical one of 1865. The majority of the delegates were conservative, well-educated, and generally had ties to the South. 35 of the 68 delegates either served with the Confederacy or were allied to its cause; the presiding officer, [[Waldo P. Johnson]], had been expelled from the U.S. Senate in 1862 after he joined the Confederacy. The new constitution was a reaction against the radicalism of the 1860s and 1870s, and it encouraged local control and a reduction in the powers of the state. It limited the ability of the state and local governments to tax, and reduced the restrictions on churches being able to own property. It required a two-thirds vote by citizens to authorize the issuance of local government bonds, and it restricted the ability of state legislators to craft legislation that would benefit their localities. The proposal was submitted for popular vote on August 2, 1875, and the constitution passed overwhelmingly.<ref>Parrish, ''Missouri'' (1973) 3:290-92</ref>

The "Southernization" of Missouri proceeded rapidly during the 1870s. Numerous memorials to the Confederacy and Confederate generals were erected around the state and there were calls to establish a veterans' home for disabled or indigent Confederate veterans as well as a Confederate cemetery. The Democrat-controlled state government presented a misleading image that Missouri had really been a Southern state all along instead of a Western or border state, even though over three times as many Missourians fought for the Union than fought for the Confederacy. In 1884, former Confederate general [[John S. Marmaduke]] was elected governor; he was also the nephew of the exiled Governor Claiborne.<ref>https://www.sos.mo.gov/cmsimages/bluebook/2005-2006/0011-0054.pdf</ref>