Editing Ghetto (section)

==== Effect of World War II on development ====
In the years following World War II, many [[white Americans]] began to move away from inner cities to newer suburban communities, a process known as [[white flight]]. White flight occurred, in part, as a response to black people moving into white urban neighborhoods.<ref name="Keating">{{Cite book |last=Keating |first=William Dennis |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=O0bnHQAACAAJ |title=The Suburban Racial Dilemma: Housing and Neighborhoods |publisher=Temple University Press |year=1994 |isbn=978-1-56639-147-4}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Frey |first=William H. |title=Central City White Flight: Racial and Nonracial Causes |journal=[[American Sociological Review]] |volume=44 |issue=3 |year=1979 |pages=425–448 |jstor=2094885 |doi=10.2307/2094885}}</ref> Discriminatory practices, especially those intended to "preserve" emerging white suburbs, restricted the ability of black people to move from inner cities to the suburbs, even when they were economically able to afford it. In contrast to this, the same period in history marked a massive suburban expansion available primarily to whites of both wealthy and working-class backgrounds, facilitated through highway construction and the availability of federally subsidized home mortgages ([[United States Department of Veterans Affairs|VA]], [[Civil Rights Act of 1968|FHA]], [[Home Owners' Loan Corporation]]). These made it easier for families to buy new houses in the suburbs, but not to rent apartments in cities.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.public.asu.edu/~wplotkin/DeedsWeb/fha38.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081229152840/http://www.public.asu.edu/~wplotkin/DeedsWeb/fha38.html |url-status=dead |title="Racial" Provisions of FHA Underwriting Manual|archive-date=December 29, 2008}}</ref>

The United States began restructuring its economy after World War II, fueled by new [[Globalization|globalizing]] processes, and demonstrated through technological advances and improvements in efficiency. The structural shift of 1973, during the post-Fordist era, became a large component to the racial ghetto and its relationship with the labor market. [[Sharon Zukin]] declares the designated stratum of African-Americans in the labor force was placed even below the working class; low-skill urban jobs were now given to incoming immigrants from [[Mexico]] or the [[Caribbean]]. Additionally, Zukin notes, "Not only have social services been drastically reduced, punitive and other social controls over the poor have been increased," such as law enforcement and imprisonment.<ref name="Zukin, Sharon 2002">{{Cite journal|last=Zukin|first=Sharon|year=2002|title=How 'Bad' Is It?: Institutions and Intentions in the Study of the American Ghetto|journal=International Journal of Urban and Regional Research|volume=22|issue=3|pages=511–20|doi=10.1111/1468-2427.00155|doi-access=free}}</ref>{{Rp|514}} Described as the "urban crisis" during the 1970s and 1980s, the transition stressed regional divisions according to differences in income and racial lines—white "donuts" around black holes.<ref name="Fischer, Claude S. 2000">{{Cite journal |last1=Fischer |first1=Claude S. |first2=Gretchen |last2=Stockmayer |first3=Jon |last3=Stiles |first4=Michael |last4=Hout |title=Distinguishing the Geographical Levels and Social Dimensions of U.S. Metropolitan Segregation, 1960–2000 |journal=Demography |volume=41 |issue=7 |year=2004 |pages=37–59 |doi=10.1353/dem.2004.0002|pmid=15074124 |s2cid=9493288 |doi-access=free }}</ref> Hardly coincidental, the steady separation occurred during the period of civil rights laws, urban riots and [[Black Power]]. In addition, the ''[[International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences|International Encyclopedia of Social Sciences]]'' stresses the various challenges developed by this "urban crisis", including:<ref name="Darity, William A. 2008" />{{Rp|313}}

{{Blockquote | style=font-size:100% |[P]oorly underserviced infrastructures, inadequate housing to accommodate a growing urban populace, group conflict and competition over limited jobs and space, the inability for many residents to compete for new technology-based jobs, and tensions between the public and private sectors left to the formation and growth of U.S. ghettos.|author=|title=|source=}}

The cumulative economic and social forces in ghettos give way to social, political and economic isolation and inequality, while indirectly defining a separation between superior and inferior status of groups.{{Citation needed|date=November 2021}}

In response to the influx of black people from the South, banks, insurance companies, and businesses began denying or increasing the cost of services, such as [[bank]]ing, [[insurance]], access to jobs,<ref>[http://www.core.ucl.ac.be/services/psfiles/dp99/dp9913.pdf Racial Discrimination and Redlining in Cities] {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071130210614/http://www.core.ucl.ac.be/services/psfiles/dp99/dp9913.pdf |date=November 30, 2007}}</ref> [[Race and health in the United States|access to health care]], or even [[supermarket]]s<ref>{{Cite journal |title=In poor health: Supermarket redlining and urban nutrition |first=Elizabeth |last=Eisenhauer |journal=[[GeoJournal]] |volume=53 |issue=2 |pages=125–133 |year=2001 |doi=10.1023/A:1015772503007|bibcode=2001GeoJo..53..125E |s2cid=151164815 }}</ref> to residents in certain, often racially determined,<ref name="eastny">Thabit, Walter, [https://books.google.com/books?id=TWo8OFJpFtAC ''How East New York Became a Ghetto'']. {{ISBN|0-8147-8267-1}}. Page 42.</ref> areas. The most devastating form of [[redlining]], and the most common use of the term, refers to [[mortgage discrimination]]. Data on house prices and attitudes toward integration suggest that in the mid-twentieth century, segregation was a product of collective actions taken by non-black people to exclude black people from outside neighborhoods.<ref name="vigdor">{{Cite journal |last1=Cutler |first1=David M. |author-link=David Cutler |first2=Edward L. |last2=Glaeser |author-link2=Edward Glaeser |first3=Jacob L. |last3=Vigdor |title=The Rise and Decline of the American Ghetto |journal=[[Journal of Political Economy]] |volume=107 |issue=3 |year=1999 |pages=455–506 |doi=10.1086/250069 |citeseerx=10.1.1.587.8018 |s2cid=134413201 |url=http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:2770033}}</ref>

The "Racial" Provisions of the FHA Underwriting Manual of 1936 included the following guidelines which exacerbated the segregation issue:
{{Blockquote | style=font-size:100% |Recommended restrictions should include provision for: prohibition of the occupancy of properties except by the race for which they are intended&nbsp;... Schools should be appropriate to the needs of the new community and they should not be attended in large numbers by inharmonious racial groups.<ref name="Keating" /><ref>[[Federal Housing Administration]], ''Underwriting Manual: Underwriting and Valuation Procedure Under Title II of the [[National Housing Act of 1934|National Housing Act]] with Revisions to February, 1938'' (Washington, D.C.), Part II, Section 9, Rating of Location.</ref>}}

This meant that [[minority group|ethnic minorities]] could secure [[mortgage loan]]s only in certain areas, and it resulted in a large increase in the residential [[racial segregation]] and [[urban decay]] in the United States.<ref>{{Cite crabgrass}}</ref> The creation of new highways in some cases divided and isolated black neighborhoods from goods and services, many times within industrial corridors. For example, [[Birmingham, Alabama]]'s interstate highway system attempted to maintain the racial boundaries that had been established by the city's 1926 racial zoning law. The construction of interstate highways through black neighborhoods in the city led to significant population loss in those neighborhoods and is associated with an increase in neighborhood racial segregation.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Connerly |first=Charles E. |title=From Racial Zoning to Community Empowerment: The Interstate Highway System and the African American Community in Birmingham, Alabama |journal=Journal of Planning Education and Research |volume=22 |issue=2 |pages=99–114 |year=2002 |doi=10.1177/0739456X02238441|s2cid=144767245 }}</ref> Residential segregation was further perpetuated because whites were willing to pay more than black people to live in predominantly white areas.<ref name="Glaeser" /> Some social scientists suggest that the historical processes of [[suburbanization]] and decentralization are instances of [[white privilege]] that have contributed to contemporary patterns of [[environmental racism]].<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Pulido |first=Laura |title=Rethinking Environmental Racism: White Privilege and Urban Development in Southern California |journal=Annals of the Association of American Geographers |volume=90 |issue=1 |year=2000 |pages=12–40 |doi=10.1111/0004-5608.00182 |hdl=10214/1833|s2cid=38036883 |hdl-access=free }}</ref>

Following the emergence of anti-discrimination policies in housing and labor sparked by the [[civil rights movement]], members of the [[African-American middle class|black middle class]] moved out of the ghetto. The [[Civil Rights Act of 1968|Fair Housing Act]] was passed in 1968. This was the first federal law that outlawed discrimination in the sale and rental of housing on the basis of race, color, national origin, religion and later sex, familial status, and disability. The [[Office of Fair Housing and Equal Opportunity]] was charged with administering and enforcing the law. Since housing discrimination became illegal, new housing opportunities were made available to the black community and many left the ghetto. Urban sociologists frequently title this historical event as "black middle class exodus", or [[black flight]]. [[Elijah Anderson (sociologist)|Elijah Anderson]] describes a process by which members of the black middle class begin to distance themselves socially and culturally from ghetto residents during the later half of the twentieth century, "eventually expressing this distance by literally moving away."<ref>{{Cite book| last=Anderson| first=Elijah| title=Streetwise: Race, Class, and Change in an Urban Community| year=1990| publisher=The University of Chicago Press| isbn=978-0-226-01816-4| pages=[https://archive.org/details/streetwiseracecl0000ande/page/2 2]| url=https://archive.org/details/streetwiseracecl0000ande/page/2}}</ref> This is followed by the exodus of black working-class families.<ref name="Disadvantaged">{{Cite book| last=Wilson| first=William Julius| title=The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy| year=1987| publisher=The University of Chicago Press| isbn=978-0-226-90131-2| url=https://archive.org/details/trulydisadvantag00wilsrich}}</ref>{{Rp|49}} As a result, the ghetto becomes primarily occupied by what sociologists and journalists of the 1980s and 1990s frequently title the "[[underclass]]." [[William Julius Wilson]] suggests this exodus worsened the isolation of the black underclass&nbsp;— not only were they socially and physically distanced from whites, they also became isolated from the black middle class.<ref name="Disadvantaged" />{{Rp|7–8}}