Editing Gentrification (section)

==Populations impacting and impacted by gentrification==
Just as critical to the gentrification process as creating a favorable environment is the availability of the 'gentry,' or those who will be first-stage gentrifiers. The typical gentrifiers are affluent and have professional-level, service industry jobs, many of which involve [[self-employment]].<ref name="Butler page needed">{{harvnb|Butler|1997}}{{page needed|date=April 2019}}</ref> Therefore, they are willing and able to take the investment risk in the housing market. Often they are single people or young couples without children who lack demand for good schools.<ref name="Smith page needed"/> Gentrifiers are likely searching for inexpensive housing close to the workplace and often already reside in the inner city, sometimes for educational reasons, and do not want to make the move to suburbia. For this demographic, gentrification is not so much the result of a return to the inner city but is more of a positive action to remain there.<ref name="Butler page needed"/> Though early gentrifiers may intend to remain in the neighborhoods they move into, they too are at risk of being bought-out or pushed as the areas increase in favorability by higher-income groups of gentrifiers that become interested in the urban developments.<ref>Lees, Loretta. “Super-Gentrification: The Case of Brooklyn Heights, New York City on JSTOR,” November 2003. <nowiki>https://www-jstor-org.libproxy.berkeley.edu/stable/43100510?sid=primo&seq=1</nowiki>.</ref> The cycle of gentrification relies on the built attraction of certain urban areas and neighborhoods, as areas near or within major cities are often the targets. However, as corporations also take notice of changes in certain areas, they may establish sites—which furthers a wave of people motivated to move in for career opportunities. Previously established communities, who are often lower-class people of color become displaced as they may not be able to compete with rising rent and developments made. Though people noted as “gentrifiers” may not intend to negatively impact people around them, as more people in a certain class demographic enter, the neighborhood may begin to lose previous communities.<ref>SMITH, NEIL. “Gentrification and Uneven Development,” June 9, 2016. <nowiki>https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/epdf/10.2307/143793?needAccess=true</nowiki>.</ref>

The stereotypical gentrifiers also have shared consumer preferences and favor a largely consumerist culture. This fuels the rapid expansion of trendy restaurant, shopping, and entertainment spheres that often accompany the gentrification process.<ref name="Smith page needed"/> Holcomb and Beauregard described these groups as those who are "attracted by low prices and toleration of an unconventional lifestyle".<ref>({{cite book |last1=Holcomb |first1=H.B. |last2=Beauregard |first2=R.A. |year=1981 |title=Revitalizing Cities |location=Washington DC |publisher=Association of American Geographers |series=Resource Publications in Geography }})  as cited in {{harvtxt|Butler|1997}}{{page needed|date=April 2019}}</ref>

An interesting find from research on those who participate and initiate the gentrification process, the "marginal gentrifiers" as referred to by Tim Butler, is that they become marginalized by the expansion of the process.<ref name="Butler page needed"/>

=== The upper-class ===
Research shows how one reason wealthy, upper-class individuals and families hold some responsibility in the causation of gentrification is due to their social mobility.<ref name=":7">{{cite journal |last1=Hochstenbach |first1=Cody |last2=van Gent |first2=Wouter PC |title=An anatomy of gentrification processes: variegating causes of neighbourhood change |journal=Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space |date=July 2015 |volume=47 |issue=7 |pages=1480–1501 |doi=10.1177/0308518x15595771 |bibcode=2015EnPlA..47.1480H |s2cid=154447072 }}</ref> Wealthier families were more likely to have more financial freedom to move into urban areas, oftentimes choosing to do so for their work. At the same time, in these urban areas the lower-income population is decreasing due to an increase in the elderly population as well as demographic change.<ref name=":7" />

Jackelyn Hwang and Jeffrey Lin have supported in their research that another reason for the influx of upper-class individuals to urban areas is due to the "increase in demand for college-educated workers".<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Hwang |first=Jackelyn |date=2016 |title=What Have We Learned About the Causes of Recent Gentrification?|jstor=26328271 |journal=Cityscape |volume=18 |issue=3 |pages=9–26}}</ref> It is because of this demand that wealthier individuals with college degrees needed to move into urban cities for work, increasing prices in housing as the demand has grown. Additionally, Darren P. Smith finds through his research that college-educated workers moving into the urban areas causes them to settle there and raise children, which eventually contributes to the cost of education in regards to the migration between urban and suburban places.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Smith |first1=Darren P. |last2=Higley |first2=Rebecca |title=Circuits of education, rural gentrification, and family migration from the global city |journal=Journal of Rural Studies |date=January 2012 |volume=28 |issue=1 |pages=49–55 |doi=10.1016/j.jrurstud.2011.08.001 |bibcode=2012JRurS..28...49S }}</ref>

Zukin examined gentrification through the lens of urban ''authenticity'', focusing on how perceptions of authentic urban experience drive neighborhood transformation in New York City. Through case studies of neighborhoods like Williamsburg and Harlem, she documents how the very qualities that make neighborhoods appear authentic to middle-class consumers—ethnic diversity, historic architecture, local businesses—ultimately disappear as these areas gentrify. Zukin identifies how media, consumer culture, and government policies combine to facilitate gentrification through the promotion of ''authentic'' urban experiences. She demonstrates that seemingly spontaneous processes of neighborhood change are actually shaped by specific policy decisions, real estate investments, and cultural capital. The book explicitly critiques Jane Jacobs' vision of neighborhood preservation, arguing that Jacobs failed to recognize how market forces would commodify the authentic urban experiences she championed. Zukin concluded by advocating for policies that preserve not just the built environment but also social diversity, suggesting that truly authentic urbanism requires both economic and cultural rights to the city.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Zukin |first=Sharon|title=Naked City: The Death and Life of Authentic Urban Places |year=2010 |publisher=Oxford University Press |location=Oxford |isbn=9780197562710}}</ref>

===Women===
Women increasingly obtaining higher education as well as higher paying jobs has increased their participation in the labor force, translating to an expansion of women who have greater opportunities to invest. Smith suggests this group "represents a reservoir of potential gentrifiers."<ref name="Butler page needed"/> The increasing number of highly educated women play into this theory, given that residence in the inner city can give women access to the well-paying jobs and networking, something that is becoming increasingly common.<ref name="Lees page needed"/>

There are also theories that suggest the inner-city [[lifestyle (sociology)|lifestyle]] is important for women with children where the father does not care equally for the child, because of the proximity to professional childcare.<ref name="Butler page needed"/> This attracts single parents, specifically single mothers, to the inner-city as opposed to suburban areas where resources are more geographically spread out. This is often deemed as "marginal gentrification", for the city can offer an easier solution to combining paid and unpaid labor. Inner city concentration increases the efficiency of commodities parents need by minimizing time constraints among multiple jobs, childcare, and markets.<ref name="Lees page needed"/>

===Artists===

[[File:Bedstuybrownstone1.jpg|thumb|right|upright=1.15|[[Bedford–Stuyvesant, Brooklyn|Bedford–Stuyvesant]] in New York, traditionally the largest black community in the US]]

[[File:Muenchen hanssachsstrasse.jpg|thumb|upright=1.15|The Glockenbach district of [[Ludwigsvorstadt-Isarvorstadt]] in [[Munich]], Germany]]

Phillip Clay's two-stage model of gentrification places artists as prototypical stage one or "marginal" gentrifiers. [[The National Endowment for the Arts]] did a study that linked the proportion of employed artists to the rate of inner city gentrification across a number of U.S. cities.<ref name="Ley page needed"/> Artists will typically accept the risks of rehabilitating deteriorated property, as well as having the time, skill, and ability to carry out these extensive renovations.<ref name="Lees page needed" /> [[David Ley]] states that the artist's critique of everyday life and search for meaning and renewal are what make them early recruits for gentrification.

The identity that residence in the inner city provides is important for the gentrifier, and this is particularly so in the artists' case. Their cultural emancipation from the bourgeois makes the central city an appealing alternative that distances them from the conformity and mundanity attributed to suburban life. They are quintessential city people, and the city is often a functional choice as well, for city life has advantages that include connections to customers and a closer proximity to a downtown art scene, all of which are more likely to be limited in a suburban setting. Ley's research cites a quote from a Vancouver printmaker talking about the importance of inner city life to an artist, that it has, "energy, intensity, hard to specify but hard to do without".<ref name="Ley page needed">{{harvnb|Ley|1996}}{{page needed|date=April 2019}}</ref>

Ironically, these attributes that make artists characteristic marginal gentrifiers form the same foundations for their isolation as the gentrification process matures. The later stages of the process generate an influx of more affluent, "[[yuppie]]" residents. As the [[bohemianism|bohemian]] character of the community grows, it appeals "not only to committed participants, but also to sporadic consumers,"{{sfn|Lloyd|2006|p= 104}} and the rising property values that accompany this migration often lead to the eventual pushing out of the artists that began the movement in the first place.<ref name="Lees page needed"/>   Sharon Zukin's study of SoHo in [[Manhattan]], NYC was one of the most famous cases of this phenomenon. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, [[Manhattan loft]]s in [[SoHo]] were converted ''en masse'' into housing for artists and hippies, and then their sub-culture's followers.{{sfn|Zukin|1989|pp=121–123}}

{| class="wikitable"
|-
| colspan="3" | '''Stages of Gentrification'''
|-
! Early Stage !! Transitional Stage !! Late Stage
|- valign="top"
|
Artists, writers, musicians, affluent college students, LGBT, hipsters and political activists move in to a neighborhood for its affordability and tolerance.
|
Upper-middle-class professionals, often politically liberal-progressive (e.g. teachers, journalists, librarians), are attracted by the vibrancy created by the first arrivals.
|
Wealthier people (e.g. private sector managers) move in and real estate prices increase significantly. By this stage, high prices have excluded traditional residents and most of the types of people who arrived in stage 1 & 2.
|-
| colspan="3" | '''Retail gentrification''': Throughout the process, local businesses change to serve the higher incomes and different tastes of the gentrifying population.
|-
| colspan="3" | Source: {{harvtxt|Caulfield|Peake|1996}};{{pages needed |date=May 2019}} Ley as cited in {{harvtxt|Boyd|2008}};{{pages needed |date=May 2019}} {{harvtxt|Rose|1996}};{{pages needed |date=May 2019}} and {{harvtxt|Lees|Slater| Wyly|2010}}{{pages needed |date=May 2019}} as cited in {{harvtxt|Kasman|2015}}.{{pages needed |date=May 2019}}
|}

===LGBT community===
[[Manuel Castells]] has researched the role of gay communities, especially in [[San Francisco]], as early gentrifiers.{{sfn|Castells|1983|pages=138–70}}  The film ''[[Quinceañera (film)|Quinceañera]]'' depicts a similar situation in Los Angeles. ''[[Flag Wars]]'' (Linda Goode Bryant)<ref>{{cite web |url=https://www.pbs.org/pov/pov2003/flagwars/ |title=Flag Wars &#124; POV |website=Pbs.org |date=17 June 2003 |access-date=2 April 2017 |archive-date=6 May 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090506052155/http://www.pbs.org/pov/pov2003/flagwars/ |url-status=dead }}</ref> shows tensions as of 2003 between bourgeois White [[LGBT]]-newcomers and a Black middle-class neighborhood in Columbus, Ohio.<ref>{{cite news | url=https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/04/19/AR2006041902922_pf.html |title=In Shaw, Pews vs. Bar Stools |newspaper=[[The Washington Post]] |date=20 April 2006 |first= Jose Antonio |last=Vargas |access-date=17 February 2014}}</ref> In Washington, D.C.  Black and other ethnic minority [[Mixed-income housing|mixed-income community]] residents accused both the affluent majority-White [[LGBT community|LGBTQ+ community]] and the closely linked [[Hipster (contemporary subculture)|hipster subculture]] of cultural displacement (or destruction of cultural heritage) [[Hipster racism|under the guise of progressive inclusion and tolerance]].<ref>{{cite journal |last1=McChesney |first1=Chris |title=Cultural Displacement: Is the GLBT Community Gentrifying African American Neighborhoods in Washington, D.C.? |journal=The Modern American |date=1 January 2005 |volume=1 |issue=1 |url=https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/tma/vol1/iss1/9/ }}</ref><ref>Ph.D, Christina B. Hanhardt. ''Safe Space: Gay Neighborhood History and the Politics of Violence''. Durham: Duke University Press Books, 2013.</ref> 

Evidence from Buenos Aires, shows that predominantly LGBTQ+ areas were only able to exist when the government allowed that area to be gentrified.{{sfn |Herzer |Di Virgilio |Rodríguez |2015 |pages=199–222}} As certain areas that are deemed progressive evolve and implement new housing and businesses, this expands the appeal of people looking to partake. Gentrification becomes a signal for institutions and businesses to measure potential bases. In cases of the LGBTQ+ community, successful businesses may be recognized as the ones planted in urban and progressive areas that are seen as safe. However, this comfort that invites marginalized communities puts previous communities living there at risk of displacement. As gay bars are a popular way in which the LGBTQ+ community may find security, the connection to gentrification for certain locations is critical for addressing the history of their establishment.<ref>Hilderbrand, Lucas. ''The Bars Are Ours: Histories and Cultures of Gay Bars in America,1960 and After''. Durham: Duke University Press Books, 2023.</ref>

Today, practically all historic [[gayborhoods]] have become less LGBTQ+ centric mainly due to the modern effects of gentrification.<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.kqed.org/news/11768015/gentrification-is-changing-iconic-gay-neighborhoods-in-l-a-and-s-f |title=Gentrification is Changing Iconic Gay Neighborhoods in L.A. and S.F. |access-date=6 March 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190914091251/https://www.kqed.org/news/11768015/gentrification-is-changing-iconic-gay-neighborhoods-in-l-a-and-s-f |archive-date=14 September 2019 |url-status=dead }}</ref> Gay neighborhoods may reveal elements of classism and racism perpetuated by affluent white gay men who settle in spaces that drive out people of color—through rent being raised in the area.<ref>Hilderbrand, Lucas. ''The Bars Are Ours: Histories and Cultures of Gay Bars in America,1960 and After''. Durham: Duke University Press Books, 2023.</ref> Investing in inner-cities and urban areas, affluent queer people have built gay bars, bookstores, and other queer-centered establishments that then lead to the cities gaining attention and desirability—which then increases the rent of properties in the surrounding area.<ref>Doan, Petra L., and Harrison Higgins. “The Demise of Queer Space? Resurgent Gentrification and the Assimilation of LGBT Neighborhoods.” ''Journal of Planning Education and Research'' 31, no. 1 (March 2011): 6–25. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.1177/0739456X10391266</nowiki>.</ref> The rising cost to live in gayborhoods and government use of [[eminent domain]] have displaced many LGBTQ+ people and closed many LGBTQ+ centric businesses.<ref>{{Cite web |last=Grimmer |first=Chelsea |date=20 February 2016 |title=Death of the Gayborhood: Queer Aging in the Time of Gentrification |url=https://www.vice.com/en/article/death-of-the-gayborhood-queer-aging-in-the-time-of-gentrification/ |access-date=18 May 2022 |website=Vice}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Herzog |first=Katie |date=3 June 2015 |title=Who killed the gayborhood? A Grist podcast investigation |url=https://grist.org/article/gayborhood-seattle-capitol-hill-dan-savage-gentrification/ |access-date=18 May 2022 |website=[[Grist]]}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last=Saffron |first=Inga |date=4 March 2016 |title=Saffron: A risky gamble to manage gentrification in N. Philly |url=https://www.inquirer.com/philly/columnists/inga_saffron/20160304_A_risky_gamble_to_manage_gentrification_in_North_Philadelphia.html |url-access=subscription |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220408115121/https://www.inquirer.com/philly/columnists/inga_saffron/20160304_A_risky_gamble_to_manage_gentrification_in_North_Philadelphia.html |archive-date=8 April 2022 |access-date=18 May 2022 |website=The Philadelphia Inquirer}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |last1=Bowles |first1=Nellie |last2=Levin |first2=Sam |date=2 February 2016 |title=San Francisco's tech bros told: Quit changing the gayborhood |url=https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/feb/02/san-francisco-gay-bars-shut-down-lgbt-tenderloin-castro-district |access-date=18 May 2022 |website=The Guardian}}</ref>