Editing Balfour Declaration (section)

== Approvals ==

=== April to June: Allied discussions ===

Balfour met Weizmann at the Foreign Office on 22 March 1917; two days later, Weizmann described the meeting as being "the first time I had a real business talk with him".{{sfn|Schneer|2010|p=209}} Weizmann explained at the meeting that the Zionists had a preference for a British protectorate over Palestine, as opposed to an American, French or international arrangement; Balfour agreed, but warned that "there may be difficulties with France and Italy".{{sfn|Schneer|2010|p=209}}

The French position in regard to Palestine and the wider [[Syria (region)|Syria region]] during the lead up to the Balfour Declaration was largely dictated by the terms of the Sykes–Picot Agreement and was complicated from 23 November 1915 by increasing French awareness of the British discussions with the Sherif of Mecca.{{sfn|Brecher|1993|pp=642–643}} Prior to 1917, the British had led the fighting on the southern border of the Ottoman Empire alone, given their neighbouring [[History of Egypt under the British|Egyptian colony]] and the French preoccupation with the fighting on the Western Front that was taking place on their own soil.{{sfn|Grainger|2006|p=66}}{{sfn|Wavell|1968|pp=90–91}} Italy's participation in the war, which began following the April 1915 [[Treaty of London (1915)|Treaty of London]], did not include involvement in the Middle Eastern sphere until the April 1917 [[Agreement of Saint-Jean-de-Maurienne]]; at this conference, Lloyd George had raised the question of a British protectorate of Palestine and the idea "had been very coldly received" by the French and the Italians.{{sfn|Lieshout|2016|p=281}}{{sfn|Grainger|2006|p=65}}{{efn|group=qt|The War Cabinet, reviewing this conference on 25 April, "inclined to the view that sooner or later the Sykes–Picot Agreement might have to be reconsidered&nbsp;... No action should be taken at present in this matter".{{sfn|Lieshout|2016|p=281}}}} In May and June 1917, the French and Italians sent [[Detachment (military)|detachments]] to support the British as they built their reinforcements in preparation for a renewed attack on Palestine.{{sfn|Grainger|2006|p=66}}{{sfn|Wavell|1968|pp=90–91}}

In early April, Sykes and Picot were appointed to act as the chief negotiators once more, this time on a month-long mission to the Middle East for further discussions with the Sherif of Mecca and other Arab leaders.{{sfn|Schneer|2010|pp=227–236}}{{efn|Sykes as ''Chief Political Officer to the Egyptian Expeditionary Force'' and Picot as the ''Haut-Commissaire Français pour Les Territoires Occupés en Palestine et en Syrie'' (High Commissioner for the Territories [to be] Occupied in Palestine and Syria), received their instructions on 3 April and 2 April respectively.{{sfn|Laurens|1999|p=305}}{{sfn|Lieshout|2016|p=203}} Sykes and Picot arrived in the Middle East at the end of April, and were to continue discussions until the end of May.{{sfn|Schneer|2010|pp=227–236}}}} On 3 April 1917, Sykes met with Lloyd George, [[George Curzon, 1st Marquess Curzon of Kedleston|Lord Curzon]] and [[Maurice Hankey, 1st Baron Hankey|Maurice Hankey]] to receive his instructions in this regard, namely to keep the French onside while "not prejudicing the Zionist movement and the possibility of its development under British auspices, [and not] enter into any political pledges to the Arabs, and particularly none in regard to Palestine".{{sfn|Lieshout|2016|p=203}} Before travelling to the Middle East, Picot, via Sykes, invited Nahum Sokolow to Paris to educate the French government on Zionism.{{sfn|Schneer|2010|p=210}} Sykes, who had prepared the way in correspondence with Picot,{{sfn|Schneer|2010|p=211}} arrived a few days after Sokolow; in the meantime, Sokolow had met Picot and other French officials, and convinced the French Foreign Office to accept for study a statement of Zionist aims "in regard to facilities of colonization, communal autonomy, rights of language and establishment of a Jewish chartered company."{{sfn|Schneer|2010|p=212}} Sykes went on ahead to Italy and had meetings with the British ambassador and British Vatican representative to prepare the way for Sokolow once again.{{sfn|Schneer|2010|p=214}}

Sokolow was granted an audience with [[Pope Benedict XV]] on 6 May 1917.{{sfn|Schneer|2010|p=216}} Sokolow's notes of the meeting – the only meeting records known to historians – stated that the Pope expressed general sympathy and support for the Zionist project.{{sfn|Friedman|1973|p=152}}{{efn|group=lower-roman|name="MinerbiSokolow"|In his ''History of Zionism'', Sokolow notes he had meetings with the Cardinals and an audience with the Pope, providing no other details.{{sfn|Sokolow|1919|pp=52–53}} Sokolow wrote two reports of the talk with the Pope, one handwritten in French, which Minerbi relies on "because the conversation was probably held in that language and because this report was written in Sokolow's own hand right after the interview"{{sfn|Minerbi|1990|pp=63–64, 111}}{{sfn|Minerbi|1990|p=221; cites CZA Z4/728 for the French version and CZA A18/25 for the Italian version.}} and the other was "typewritten in Italian several days after the audience".{{sfn|Minerbi|1990|pp=63–64, 111}}{{sfn|Minerbi|1990|p=221; cites CZA Z4/728 for the French version and CZA A18/25 for the Italian version.}} Kreutz, following Stein, cautions that they are "not, of course, to be taken as a verbatim record"{{sfn|Stein|1961|p=407}}{{sfn|Kreutz|1990|p=51}} Minerbi's translation: "Sokolow: I am deeply moved by these historical memories, which are so apt. Allow me the liberty to add that the Rome that destroyed Judea was duly punished. It vanished, whereas not only do the Jewish people live on, they still have sufficient vitality to reclaim their land. His Holiness: Yes, yes, it is providential; God has willed it&nbsp;... His Holiness:&nbsp;... But the problem of the Holy Places is for us of utmost importance. The sacred rights must be preserved. We shall arrange this between the Church and the great Powers. You must honor these rights to their full extent&nbsp;... These are rights hundreds of years old, guaranteed and preserved by all the governments."}} On 21 May 1917 Angelo Sereni, president of the [[Union of Italian Jewish Communities|Committee of the Jewish Communities]],{{efn|group=qt|The Committee of the Jewish Communities (in Italian: ''Comitato delle università israelitiche'') is known today as the Union of Italian Jewish Communities (in Italian: ''Unione delle comunità ebraiche italiane'', abbreviated UCEI)}} presented Sokolow to [[Sidney Sonnino]], the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs. He was also received by [[Paolo Boselli]], the Italian prime minister. Sonnino arranged for the secretary general of the ministry to send a letter to the effect that, although he could not express himself on the merits of a program which concerned all the allies, "generally speaking" he was not opposed to the legitimate claims of the Jews.{{sfn|Manuel|1955|pp=265–266}} On his return journey, Sokolow met with French leaders again and secured a [[Cambon letter|letter]] dated 4 June 1917, giving assurances of sympathy towards the Zionist cause by [[Jules Cambon]], head of the political section of the French foreign ministry.{{sfn|Kedourie|2013|p=87}} This letter was not published, but was deposited at the British Foreign Office.{{sfn|Kaufman|2006|p=385}}{{efn|group=lower-roman|Though the latter was apparently submitted to Ronald Graham by Sokolow, Picot was asked to come over to London by end of October to appear at a Cabinet meeting and explain the French position in relation to the Zionist movement. Kaufman cites Stein as considering it feasible the possibility that the document was not brought to the attention of Lord Balfour or that he forgot about its existence and cites Verete as believing the document probably lost.{{sfn|Kaufman|2006|p=385}}}}

Following the United States' entry into the war on 6 April, the British Foreign Secretary led the [[Balfour Mission]] to [[Washington D.C.|Washington, D.C.]], and [[New York City|New York]], where he spent a month between mid-April and mid-May. During the trip he spent significant time discussing Zionism with [[Louis Brandeis]], a leading Zionist and a close ally of Wilson who had been appointed as a [[Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States|Supreme Court Justice]] a year previously.{{efn|group=qt|In 1929, Zionist leader [[Jacob de Haas]] wrote: "In May 1917 prior to the arrival of the Balfour Mission to the United States, President Wilson took occasion to afford ample opportunity for the discussion of Zionist Palestinian prospects, and the occasion was not neglected. At the first official reception given by President Wilson for Mr.&nbsp;Balfour, the latter singled out Brandeis as one with whom he desired private conversation. Mr.&nbsp;Balfour while in Washington summarized his own attitude in a single sentence, "I am a Zionist." But while Balfour and Brandeis met as often as circumstances demanded other Zionists met and discussed the Palestinian problem with all those members of the British mission whose understanding it was thought desirable to cultivate. This was made necessary because at that particular juncture the creation of an American mandatory for Palestine a policy Brandeis did not favour was being persistently discussed in the European press."{{sfn|de Haas|1929|pp=89–90}}}}

=== June and July: Decision to prepare a declaration ===

[[File:Lord Rothschild initial Balfour Declaration draft and Balfour draft reply, July and August 1917.jpg|thumb|left|A copy of Lord Rothschild's initial draft declaration, together with its covering letter, 18 July 1917, from the British War Cabinet archives.]]
By 13 June 1917, it was acknowledged by [[Ronald William Graham|Ronald Graham]], head of the Foreign Office's Middle Eastern affairs department, that the three most relevant politicians{{snd}}the Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary, and the [[Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs]], [[Robert Cecil, 1st Viscount Cecil of Chelwood|Lord Robert Cecil]]{{snd}}were all in favour of Britain supporting the Zionist movement;{{efn|group=qt|Ronald Graham wrote to [[Charles Hardinge, 1st Baron Hardinge of Penshurst|Lord Hardinge]], the [[Permanent Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs]] (i.e. the most senior [[Civil Service (United Kingdom)|civil servant]], or non-[[Minister (government)|minister]], at the Foreign Office) on 13&nbsp;June 1917: "It would appear that in view of the sympathy towards the Zionist movement which has already been expressed by the Prime Minister, Mr.&nbsp;Balfour, Lord R. Cecil, and other statesmen, we are committed to support it, although until Zionist policy has been more clearly defined our support must be of a general character. We ought, therefore, to secure all the political advantage we can out of our connection with Zionism, and there is no doubt that this advantage will be considerable, especially in Russia, where the only means of reaching the Jewish proletariat is through Zionism, to which the vast majority of Jews in that country adhere."{{sfn|Friedman|1973|p=246}}}} on the same day Weizmann had written to Graham to advocate for a public declaration.{{efn|group=qt|Weizmann wrote that: "it appears desirable from every point of view that the British Government should give expression to its sympathy and support of the Zionist claims on Palestine. In fact, it need only confirm the view which eminent and representative members of the Government have many times expressed to us, and which have formed the basis of our negotiations throughout the long period of almost three years"{{sfn|Weizmann|1949|p=203}}}}<ref>[[:File:Palestine and the Balfour Declaration, Cabinet Paper, January 1923.jpg|Palestine and the Balfour Declaration, Cabinet Paper, January 1923]]</ref>{{sfn|Rhett|2015|p=16}}

Six days later, at a meeting on 19{{nbsp}}June, Balfour asked Lord Rothschild and Weizmann to submit a formula for a declaration.{{sfn|Friedman|1973|p=247}} Over the next few weeks, a 143-word draft was prepared by the Zionist negotiating committee, but it was considered too specific on sensitive areas by Sykes, Graham and Rothschild.{{sfn|Rhett|2015|p=27}} Separately, a very different draft had been prepared by the Foreign Office, described in 1961 by [[Harold Nicolson]] – who had been involved in preparing the draft – as proposing a "sanctuary for Jewish victims of persecution".{{sfn|Rhett|2015|p=26}}{{sfn|Stein|1961|p=466}} The Foreign Office draft was strongly opposed by the Zionists, and was discarded; no copy of the draft has been found in the Foreign Office archives.{{sfn|Rhett|2015|p=26}}{{sfn|Stein|1961|p=466}}

Following further discussion, a revised – and at just 46 words in length, much shorter – draft declaration was prepared and sent by Lord Rothschild to Balfour on 18 July.{{sfn|Rhett|2015|p=27}} It was received by the Foreign Office, and the matter was brought to the Cabinet for formal consideration.{{sfn|Hurewitz|1979|p=102}}
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=== September and October: American consent and War Cabinet approval ===

[[File:Balfour Declaration War Cabinet minutes appendix 17 October 1917.jpg|thumb|As part of the War Cabinet discussions, views were sought from ten "representative" Jewish leaders. Those in favour comprised four members of the Zionist negotiating team (Rothschild, Weizmann, Sokolow and Samuel), [[Stuart Samuel (politician)|Stuart Samuel]] (Herbert Samuel's elder brother), and [[List of Chief Rabbis of the United Hebrew Congregations|Chief Rabbi]] [[Joseph Hertz]]. Those against comprised [[Edwin Montagu]], [[Philip Magnus]], [[Claude Montefiore]] and [[Lionel Cohen, Baron Cohen|Lionel Cohen]].]]
The decision to release the declaration was taken by the British War Cabinet on 31 October 1917. This followed discussion at four War Cabinet meetings (including the 31 October meeting) over the space of the previous two months.{{sfn|Hurewitz|1979|p=102}} In order to aid the discussions, the War Cabinet Secretariat, led by Maurice Hankey, the [[Cabinet Secretary (United Kingdom)|Cabinet Secretary]] and supported by his [[Assistant Secretary|Assistant Secretaries]]{{sfn|Adelson|1995|p=141}}<ref>[[Hansard]], [https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/written-answers/1917/mar/14/war-cabinet War Cabinet]: HC Deb 14 March 1917 vol 91 cc1098-9W</ref> – primarily Sykes and his fellow Conservative MP and pro-Zionist [[Leo Amery]] – solicited outside perspectives to put before the Cabinet. These included the views of government ministers, war allies – notably from President Woodrow Wilson – and in October, formal submissions from six Zionist leaders and four non-Zionist Jews.{{sfn|Hurewitz|1979|p=102}}

British officials asked President Wilson for his consent on the matter on two occasions – first on 3 September, when he replied the time was not ripe, and later on 6 October, when he agreed with the release of the declaration.{{sfn|Lebow|1968|p=501}}

[[File:British War Cabinet Minutes approving the release of the Balfour Declaration.png|thumb|British War Cabinet minutes approving the release of the declaration, 31{{nbsp}}October 1917]]
Excerpts from the minutes of these four War Cabinet meetings provide a description of the primary factors that the ministers considered:

* '''3 September 1917''': "With reference to a suggestion that the matter might be postponed, [Balfour] pointed out that this was a question on which the Foreign Office had been very strongly pressed for a long time past. There was a very strong and enthusiastic organisation, more particularly in the United States, who were zealous in this matter, and his belief was that it would be of most substantial assistance to the Allies to have the earnestness and enthusiasm of these people enlisted on our side. To do nothing was to risk a direct breach with them, and it was necessary to face this situation."{{sfn|Hurewitz|1979|p=103}}
* '''4 October 1917''': "... [Balfour] stated that the German Government were making great efforts to capture the sympathy of the Zionist Movement. This Movement, though opposed by a number of wealthy Jews in this country, had behind it the support of a majority of Jews, at all events in Russia and America, and possibly in other countries ... Mr. Balfour then read a very sympathetic [[Cambon letter|declaration]] by the French Government which had been conveyed to the Zionists, and he stated that he knew that President Wilson was extremely favourable to the Movement."{{sfn|Hurewitz|1979|p=104}}
* '''25 October 1917''': "... the Secretary mentioned that he was being pressed by the Foreign Office to bring forward the question of Zionism, an early settlement of which was regarded as of great importance."{{sfn|Hurewitz|1979|p=105}}
* '''31 October 1917''': "[Balfour] stated that he gathered that everyone was now agreed that, from a purely diplomatic and political point of view, it was desirable that some declaration favourable to the aspirations of the Jewish nationalists should now be made. The vast majority of Jews in Russia and America, as, indeed, all over the world, now appeared to be favourable to Zionism. If we could make a declaration favourable to such an ideal, we should be able to carry on extremely useful propaganda both in Russia and America."{{sfn|Hurewitz|1979|p=106}}