Editing Warren G. Harding (section)

==Presidential election of 1920==
{{Main|1920 United States presidential election}}

===Primary campaign===
[[File:Sen. Warren S. (G.) Harding LCCN2016819939 (cropped).jpg|thumb|right|Harding {{circa}} 1919]]
With most Progressives having rejoined the Republican Party, their former leader, Theodore Roosevelt, was deemed likely to make a third run for the White House in 1920, and was the overwhelming favorite for the Republican nomination. These plans ended when Roosevelt suddenly died on January 6, 1919. A number of candidates quickly emerged, including General [[Leonard Wood]], Illinois Governor [[Frank Lowden]], California Senator [[Hiram Johnson]], and a host of relatively minor possibilities such as [[Herbert Hoover]] (renowned for his World War I relief work), Massachusetts Governor [[Calvin Coolidge]], and General [[John J. Pershing]].{{sfn|Trani & Wilson|p=21}}

Harding, while he wanted to be president, was as much motivated in entering the race by his desire to keep control of Ohio Republican politics, enabling his re-election to the Senate in 1920. Among those coveting Harding's seat were former governor Willis (he had been defeated by [[James M. Cox]] in 1916) and Colonel [[William Cooper Procter]] (head of [[Procter & Gamble]]). On December 17, 1919, Harding made a low-key announcement of his presidential candidacy.{{sfn|Dean|pp=49–51}} Leading Republicans disliked Wood and Johnson, both of the progressive faction of the party, and Lowden, who had an independent streak, was deemed little better. Harding was far more acceptable to the "Old Guard" leaders of the party.{{sfn|Trani & Wilson|pp=659–660}}

Daugherty, who became Harding's campaign manager, was sure none of the other candidates could garner a majority. His strategy was to make Harding an acceptable choice to delegates once the leaders faltered. Daugherty established a "Harding for President" campaign office in Washington (run by his confidant, [[Jess Smith]]), and worked to manage a network of Harding friends and supporters, including [[Frank Scobey]] of Texas (clerk of the Ohio State Senate during Harding's years there).{{sfn|Murray 1969|pp=26–27}} Harding worked to shore up his support through incessant letter-writing. Despite the candidate's work, according to Russell, "without Daugherty's [[Mephistopheles|Mephistophelean]] efforts, Harding would never have stumbled forward to the nomination."{{sfn|Russell|pp=336–339}}

{{quote box | align = right | width = 26em | salign = right
| quote = America's present need is not heroics, but healing; not nostrums, but normalcy; not revolution, but restoration; not agitation, but adjustment; not surgery, but serenity; not the dramatic, but the dispassionate; not experiment, but equipoise; not submergence in internationality, but sustainment in triumphant nationality.
| source =Warren G. Harding, speech before the Home Market Club, Boston, May 14, 1920{{sfn|Dean|p=56}}}}

There were only 16 presidential primary states in 1920, of which the most crucial to Harding was Ohio. Harding had to have some loyalists at the convention to have any chance of nomination, and the Wood campaign hoped to knock Harding out of the race by taking Ohio. Wood campaigned in the state, and his supporter, Procter, spent large sums; Harding spoke in the non-confrontational style he had adopted in 1914. Harding and Daugherty were so confident of sweeping Ohio's 48 delegates that the candidate went on to the next state, Indiana, before the April 27 Ohio primary.{{sfn|Dean|pp=55–56}} Harding carried Ohio by only 15,000 votes over Wood, taking less than half the total vote, and won only 39 of 48 delegates. In Indiana, Harding finished fourth, with less than ten percent of the vote, and failed to win a single delegate. He was willing to give up and have Daugherty file his re-election papers for the Senate, but Florence Harding grabbed the phone from his hand, "Warren Harding, what are you doing? Give up? Not until the convention is over. Think of your friends in Ohio!"{{sfn|Russell|pp=346–347}} On learning that Daugherty had left the phone line, the future First Lady retorted, "Well, you tell Harry Daugherty for me that we're in this fight until Hell freezes over."{{sfn|Dean|p=56}}

After he recovered from the shock of the poor results, Harding traveled to Boston, where he delivered a speech that according to Dean, "would resonate throughout the 1920 campaign and history."{{sfn|Dean|p=56}} There, he said that "America's present need is not heroics, but healing; not nostrums, but normalcy;{{efn|Although Harding did not invent the word "normalcy", he is credited with popularizing it. See {{harvnb|Russell|p=347}}. The other word that Harding popularized was [[bloviation|bloviate]], which he said was a somewhat-obsolete term used in Ohio meaning to sit around and talk. After Harding's resurrection of it, it came to mean empty oratory. See {{harvnb|Dean|p=37}}.}} not revolution, but restoration."{{sfn|Russell|p=347}} Dean notes, "Harding, more than the other aspirants, was reading the nation's pulse correctly."{{sfn|Dean|p=56}}

===Convention===
{{further|1920 Republican National Convention}}
The [[1920 Republican National Convention]] opened at the [[Chicago Coliseum#The third Coliseum|Chicago Coliseum]] on June 8, 1920, assembling delegates who were bitterly divided, most recently over the results of a Senate investigation into campaign spending, which had just been released. That report found that Wood had spent $1.8 million (equivalent to ${{Inflation|US|1.8|1920|r=2}}&nbsp;million in {{Inflation-year|US}}), lending substance to Johnson's claims that Wood was trying to buy the presidency. Some of the $600,000 that Lowden had spent had wound up in the pockets of two convention delegates. Johnson had spent $194,000, and Harding $113,000. Johnson was deemed to be behind the inquiry, and the rage of the Lowden and Wood factions put an end to any possible compromise among the frontrunners. Of the almost 1,000 delegates, 27 were women—the [[Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution]], guaranteeing women the vote, was within one state of ratification, and would pass before the end of August.{{sfn|Bagby|p=660}}{{sfn|Russell|pp=351–356, 363}} The convention had no boss, most uninstructed delegates voted as they pleased, and with a Democrat in the White House, the party's leaders could not use patronage to get their way.{{sfn|Murray 1969|p=33}}

Reporters deemed Harding unlikely to be nominated due to his poor showing in the primaries, and relegated him to a place among the [[dark horse]]s.{{sfn|Bagby|p=660}} Harding, who like the other candidates was in Chicago supervising his campaign, had finished sixth in the final public opinion poll, behind the three main candidates as well as former Justice Hughes and Herbert Hoover, and only slightly ahead of Coolidge.{{sfn|Russell|p=335}}{{sfn|Dean|p=60}}

After the convention dealt with other matters, the nominations for president opened on the morning of Friday, June 11. Harding had asked Willis to place his name in nomination, and the former governor responded with a speech popular among the delegates, both for its folksiness and for its brevity in the intense Chicago heat.{{sfn|Russell|pp=374–375}} Reporter Mark Sullivan, who was present, called it a splendid combination of "oratory, grand opera, and [[hog calling]]." Willis confided, leaning over the podium railing, "Say, boys—and girls too—why not name Warren Harding?"{{sfn|Murray 1969|p=34}} The laughter and applause that followed created a warm feeling for Harding.{{sfn|Murray 1969|p=34}}

{{quote box | align = right | width = 23em | salign = right
| quote = I don't expect Senator Harding to be nominated on the first, second, or third ballots, but I think we can well afford to take chances that about eleven minutes after two o'clock on Friday morning at the convention, when fifteen or twenty men, somewhat weary, are sitting around a table, some one of them will say: "Who will we nominate?" At that decisive time, the friends of Senator Harding can suggest him and afford to abide by the result.
| source =Harry M. Daugherty{{sfn|Bagby|p=661}}}}

Four ballots were taken on the afternoon of June 11, and they revealed a deadlock. With 493 votes needed to nominate, Wood was the closest with 314{{frac|1|2}}; Lowden had 289{{frac|1|2}}. The best Harding had done was 65{{frac|1|2}}. Chairman [[Henry Cabot Lodge]] of Massachusetts, the [[Senate Majority Leader]], adjourned the convention about 7&nbsp;p.m.{{sfn|Murray 1969|p=34}}{{sfn|Dean|p=61}}

The night of June 11–12, 1920 would become famous in political history as the night of the "[[smoke-filled room]]", in which, legend has it, party elders agreed to force the convention to nominate Harding. Historians have focused on the session held in the suite of Republican National Committee (RNC) Chairman [[Will H. Hays|Will Hays]] at the [[Blackstone Hotel]], at which senators and others came and went, and numerous possible candidates were discussed. Utah Senator [[Reed Smoot]], before his departure early in the evening, backed Harding, telling Hays and the others that as the Democrats were likely to nominate Governor Cox, they should pick Harding to win Ohio. Smoot also told ''[[The New York Times]]'' that there had been an agreement to nominate Harding, but that it would not be done for several ballots yet.{{sfn|Bagby|pp=662–663}} This was not true: a number of participants backed Harding (others supported his rivals), but there was no pact to nominate him, and the senators had little power to enforce any agreement. Two other participants in the smoke-filled room discussions, Kansas Senator [[Charles Curtis]] and Colonel [[George Brinton McClellan Harvey]], a close friend of Hays, predicted to the press that Harding would be nominated because of the liabilities of the other candidates.{{sfn|Murray 1969|p=38}}

Headlines in the morning newspapers suggested intrigue. Historian Wesley M. Bagby wrote, "Various groups actually worked along separate lines to bring about the nomination—without combination and with very little contact." Bagby said that the key factor in Harding's nomination was his wide popularity among the rank and file of the delegates.{{sfn|Bagby|pp=657-674}}

The reassembled delegates had heard rumors that Harding was the choice of a cabal of senators. Although this was not true, delegates believed it, and sought a way out by voting for Harding. When balloting resumed on the morning of June 12, Harding gained votes on each of the next four ballots, rising to 133{{frac|1|2}} as the two front runners saw little change. Lodge then declared a three-hour recess, to the outrage of Daugherty, who raced to the podium, and confronted him, "You cannot defeat this man this way! The motion was not carried! You cannot defeat this man!"{{sfn|Russell|pp=387–390}} Lodge and others used the break to try to stop the Harding momentum and make RNC Chairman Hays the nominee, a scheme Hays refused to have anything to do with.{{sfn|Dean|p=65}} The ninth ballot, after some initial suspense, saw delegation after delegation break for Harding, who took the lead with 374{{frac|1|2}} votes to 249 for Wood and 121{{frac|1|2}} for Lowden (Johnson had 83). Lowden released his delegates to Harding, and the tenth ballot, held at 6&nbsp;p.m., was a mere formality, with Harding finishing with 672{{frac|1|5}} votes to 156 for Wood. The nomination was made unanimous. The delegates, desperate to leave town before they incurred more hotel expenses, then proceeded to the vice presidential nomination. Harding wanted Senator [[Irvine Lenroot]] of Wisconsin, who was unwilling to run, but before Lenroot's name could be withdrawn and another candidate decided on, Oregon delegate [[Wallace McCamant]] proposed Governor Coolidge and received a roar of approval. Coolidge, popular for his role in breaking the [[Boston Police Strike|Boston police strike]] of 1919, was nominated for vice president, receiving two and a fraction votes more than Harding had. James Morgan wrote in ''[[The Boston Globe]]'': "The delegates would not listen to remaining in Chicago over Sunday&nbsp;... the President makers did not have a clean shirt. On such things, Rollo, turns the destiny of nations."{{sfn|Russell|pp=392–394}}{{sfn|Dean|pp=66–67}}

===General election campaign===
[[File:Harding front porch campaign.jpg|thumb|upright=1.2|Harding begins his front porch campaign by accepting the Republican nomination, July 22, 1920.]]

The Harding/Coolidge ticket was quickly backed by Republican newspapers, but those of other viewpoints expressed disappointment. The ''[[New York World]]'' found Harding the least-qualified candidate since [[James Buchanan]], deeming the Ohio senator a "weak and mediocre" man who "never had an original idea."{{sfn|Dean|p=67}} The [[Hearst Corporation|Hearst newspapers]] called Harding "the flag-bearer of a new Senatorial autocracy."{{sfn|Sinclair|p=156}} ''[[The New York Times]]'' described the Republican presidential candidate as "a very respectable Ohio politician of the second class."{{sfn|Dean|p=67}}

The [[1920 Democratic National Convention|Democratic National Convention]] opened in San Francisco on June 28, 1920, under a shadow cast by Woodrow Wilson, who wished to be nominated for a third term. Delegates were convinced Wilson's health would not permit him to serve, and looked elsewhere for a candidate. Former Treasury Secretary [[William G. McAdoo]] was a major contender, but he was Wilson's son-in-law, and refused to consider a nomination so long as the president wanted it. Many at the convention voted for McAdoo anyway, and a deadlock ensued with Attorney General [[A. Mitchell Palmer]]. On the 44th ballot, the Democrats nominated Governor Cox for president, with his running mate [[Assistant Secretary of the Navy]] [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]]. As Cox was a newspaper owner and editor, this placed two Ohio editors against each other for the presidency, and some complained there was no real political choice as both Cox and Harding were seen as economic conservatives.{{sfn|Sinclair|pp=157–159}} But ideologically, the candidates were distinctly different, with Cox a liberal<ref>{{cite encyclopedia |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=v8KkJq1ZRwYC&dq=james+M+Cox+liberal+Democrat+Ohio&pg=RA1-PA63 |title=McGill, Ralph Emerson |encyclopedia=Encyclopedia of Tennessee |first=Nancy |last=Capace |date=2000 |page=63 |isbn=978-0-4030-9349-6 |publisher=Somerset |access-date=December 21, 2024}}</ref> and Harding a conservative.<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ltusveXdODUC&dq=Warren+Harding+conservative&pg=PA32 |title=High Tide of American Conservatism: Davis, Coolidge, and the 1924 Election |first=Garland |last=Tucker |date=2012 |page=32 |isbn=978-1-9371-1029-1 |publisher=Emerald Book Company |access-date=December 21, 2024}}</ref><ref>{{cite news |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2VlkAAAAIBAJ&dq=The+old+guard+won.+The+Progressive+and+the+Roosevelt+elements+in+the+Republican+national+convention+were+beaten&pg=PA1&article_id=4707,6615733  |newspaper=[[St. Joseph News-Press]] |date=June 14, 1920 |title=Old Fashioned Ticket Harding Is of the Type of William McKinley |first=David |last=Lawrence |access-date=December 21, 2024}}</ref>

[[File:Harding Cox and Ruth.jpg|thumb|left|"How Does He Do It?" In this [[Clifford Berryman]] cartoon, Harding and Cox ponder another big story of 1920: [[Babe Ruth]]'s record-setting home run pace.]]
Harding elected to conduct a [[front porch campaign]], like McKinley in 1896.{{sfn|Dean|pp=71–73}} Some years earlier, Harding had had his front porch remodeled to resemble McKinley's, which his neighbors felt signified presidential ambitions.{{sfn|Sinclair|p=61}} The candidate remained at home in Marion, and gave addresses to visiting delegations. In the meantime, Cox and Roosevelt stumped the nation, giving hundreds of speeches. Coolidge spoke in the Northeast, later on in the South, and was not a significant factor in the election.{{sfn|Dean|pp=71–73}}

In Marion, Harding ran his campaign. As a newspaperman himself, he fell into easy camaraderie with the press covering him, enjoying a relationship few presidents have equaled. His "[[return to normalcy]]" theme was aided by the atmosphere that Marion provided, an orderly place that induced nostalgia in many voters. The front porch campaign allowed Harding to avoid mistakes, and as time dwindled towards the election, his strength grew. The travels of the Democratic candidates eventually caused Harding to make several short speaking tours, but for the most part, he remained in Marion. The United States had no need for another Wilson, Harding argued, appealing for a president "near the normal".{{sfn|Sinclair|pp=163–165}}

[[File:FDR and James M Cox cph.3b03395.jpg|thumb|right|Democratic candidates Cox (right) and Roosevelt at a campaign appearance in Washington, DC, 1920]]
Harding's vague oratory irritated some; McAdoo described a typical Harding speech as "an army of pompous phrases moving over the landscape in search of an idea. Sometimes these meandering words actually capture a straggling thought and bear it triumphantly, a prisoner in their midst, until it died of servitude and over work."{{sfn|Dean|p=72}} [[H. L. Mencken]] concurred, "it reminds me of a string of wet sponges, it reminds me of tattered washing on the line; it reminds me of stale bean soup, of college yells, of dogs barking idiotically through endless nights. It is so bad that a kind of grandeur creeps into it. It drags itself out of the dark abysm&nbsp;... of pish, and crawls insanely up the topmost pinnacle of tosh. It is rumble and bumble. It is balder and dash."{{efn|Mencken nevertheless voted for Harding. See {{harvnb|Sinclair|p=165}}.}}{{sfn|Dean|p=72}} ''The New York Times'' took a more positive view of Harding's speeches, writing that in them the majority of people could find "a reflection of their own indeterminate thoughts."{{sfn|Sinclair|p=166}}

Wilson had said that the 1920 election would be a "great and solemn referendum" on the League of Nations, making it difficult for Cox to maneuver on the issue—although Roosevelt strongly supported the League, Cox was less enthusiastic.{{sfn|Murray 1969|pp=43–45}} Harding opposed entry into the League of Nations as negotiated by Wilson, but favored an "association of nations,"<ref name = "anb" /> based on the [[Permanent Court of Arbitration]] at [[The Hague]]. This was general enough to satisfy most Republicans, and only a few bolted the party over this issue. By October, Cox had realized there was widespread public opposition to Article X, and said that [[reservation (law)|reservations]] to the treaty might be necessary; this shift allowed Harding to say no more on the subject.{{sfn|Trani & Wilson|pp=27–28}}

[[Image:WGHarding.jpg|thumb|left|Harding campaigning in 1920]]
The RNC hired [[Albert Lasker]], an advertising executive from Chicago, to publicize Harding, and Lasker unleashed a broad-based advertising campaign that used many now-standard advertising techniques for the first time in a presidential campaign. Lasker's approach included newsreels and sound recordings. Visitors to Marion had their photographs taken with Senator and Mrs. Harding, and copies were sent to their hometown newspapers.{{sfn|Dean|p=69}} Billboard posters, newspapers and magazines were employed in addition to motion pictures. [[Telemarketers]] were used to make phone calls with scripted dialogues to promote Harding.{{sfn|Morello|pp=64–65}}

During the campaign, opponents spread old rumors that Harding's great-great-grandfather was a [[West Indian]] [[black person]] and that other [[African-American heritage of United States presidents|blacks might be found in his family tree]].{{sfn|Russell|p=372}} Harding's campaign manager rejected the accusations. [[Wooster College]] professor [[William Estabrook Chancellor]] publicized the rumors, based on supposed family research, but perhaps reflecting no more than local gossip.{{sfn|Russell|pp=403–405}}

[[File:ElectoralCollege1920.svg|right|thumb|upright|1920 electoral vote results]]
By Election Day, November 2, 1920, few had any doubts that the Republican ticket would win.{{sfn|Murray 1969|p=62}} Harding received 60.2&nbsp;percent of the popular vote, the highest percentage since the evolution of the [[two-party system]], and 404 [[Electoral College (United States)|electoral votes]]. Cox received 34&nbsp;percent of the national vote and 127 electoral votes.{{sfn|Russell|p=418}} Campaigning from a federal prison where he was serving a sentence for opposing the war, [[Socialist Party of America|Socialist]] [[Eugene V. Debs]] received 3&nbsp;percent of the national vote. The Republicans greatly increased their majority in each house of Congress.{{sfn|Russell|p=420}}{{sfn|Murray 1969|p=66}}