Editing Solon (section)

==Solon's reforms==
[[File:Meister des al-Mubashshir-Manuskripts 003.jpg|thumb|Solon, depicted with pupils in an [[Islamic]] [[Miniature (illuminated manuscript)|miniature]]]]

Solon's laws were inscribed on {{lang|grc-Latn|axones}}, large wooden slabs or cylinders attached to a series of axles that stood upright in the [[Tholos (Athens)|Prytaneion]].<ref>V. Ehrenberg, ''From Solon to Socrates: Greek History and Civilization'', Routledge, London (1973), p. 71 f.</ref><ref>Stanton, G. R. ''Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook'', Routledge, London (1990), p. 52.</ref>{{efn|These {{lang|grc-Latn|axones}} appear to have operated on the same principle as a [[Lazy Susan|turntable]], allowing both convenient storage and ease of access.}} Originally the axones recorded laws enacted by [[Draco (lawgiver)|Draco]] in the late 7th century (traditionally 621 BC). Nothing of Draco's codification has survived except for a law relating to homicide, yet there is consensus among scholars that it did not amount to anything like a constitution.<ref>Stanton, G. R. ''Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook'', Routledge, London (1990), p. 26.</ref><ref>''Oxford Classical Dictionary'' (1964), s. v. 'Draco'.</ref> 

During his visit to Athens, [[Pausanias (geographer)|Pausanias]], the 2nd century AD geographer reported that the inscribed laws of Solon were still displayed by the Prytaneion.<ref>Pausanias, ''Description of Greece'', 1.18.3.</ref> Fragments of the axones were still visible in [[Plutarch]]'s time<ref name="ReferenceA">Plutarch, ''Solon'' [[s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#25|25.1]].</ref> but today the only records we have of Solon's laws are fragmentary quotes and comments in literary sources such as those written by Plutarch himself. Moreover, the language of his laws was archaic even by the standards of the fifth century and this caused interpretation problems for ancient commentators.<ref>Andrews A. ''Greek Society'', Penguin, London (1967), pp. 114, 201.</ref> Modern scholars doubt the reliability of these sources and our knowledge of Solon's legislation is therefore actually very limited in its details.{{citation needed|date=April 2020}}

Generally, Solon's reforms appear to have been constitutional, economic, moral, and sexual in their scope. This distinction, though somewhat artificial, does at least provide a convenient framework within which to consider the laws that have been attributed to Solon. Some short-term consequences of his reforms are considered at the end of the section. 

===Constitutional ===
[[File:Areopagus from the Acropolis.jpg|thumb|right|The [[Areopagus]], as viewed from the [[Acropolis of Athens|Acropolis]], is a monolith where Athenian aristocrats decided important matters of state during Solon's time.]]
Depending on how we interpret the historical facts known to us, Solon's constitutional reforms were either a radical anticipation of democratic government, or they merely provided a plutocratic flavour to a stubbornly aristocratic regime, or else the truth lies somewhere between these two extremes.{{efn|"In all areas then it was the work of Solon which was decisive in establishing the foundations for the development of a full democracy."{{emdash}}Marylin B. Arthur, "The Origins of the Western Attitude Toward Women", in ''Women in the Ancient World: The Arethusa Papers'', John Patrick Sullivan (ed.), State University of New York (1984), p. 30.<br>
"In making their own evaluation of Solon, the ancient sources concentrated on what were perceived to be the democratic features of the constitution. But&nbsp;... Solon was given his extraordinary commission by the nobles, who wanted him to eliminate the threat that the position of the nobles as a whole would be overthrown".{{emdash}} Stanton, G. R. ''Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook'', Routledge, London (1990), p. 76.}}   

Before Solon's reforms, the Athenian state was administered by nine archons appointed or elected annually by the [[Areopagus]] on the basis of noble birth and wealth.<ref>[[s:Athenian Constitution#3|''Athenaion Politeia'' 3.6]]</ref><ref>''Athenaion Politeia'' [[s:Athenian Constitution#8|8.2]].</ref>{{efn|The Areopagus comprised former archons and it therefore had, in addition to the power of appointment, extraordinary influence as a consultative body. The nine archons took the oath of office while ceremonially standing on a stone in the [[agora]], declaring their readiness to dedicate a golden statue if they should ever be found to have violated the laws.<ref>''Athenaion Politeia'' [[s:Athenian Constitution#7|7.1]], 55.5.</ref><ref>Plutarch, ''Solon'' [[s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#25|25.3]].</ref>}} There was an assembly of Athenian citizens (the [[Ecclesia (ancient Athens)|Ekklesia]]) but the lowest class (the [[Thetes]]) was not admitted and its deliberative procedures were controlled by the nobles.<ref>Stanton, G. R. ''Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook'', Routledge, London (1991), p. 35, n. 2.</ref> There therefore seemed to be no means by which an archon could be called to account for breach of oath unless the Areopagus favoured his prosecution. 

According to the ''[[Constitution of the Athenians (Aristotle)|Athenian Constitution]]'', Solon legislated for all citizens to be admitted into the Ekklesia<ref name="ReferenceB">''Athenaion Politeia'' [[s:Athenian Constitution#7|7.3]].</ref> and for a court (the [[Heliaia]]) to be formed from all the citizens.<ref>Aristotle, ''Politics'' 1274a 3, 1274a 15.</ref> The Heliaia appears to have been the Ekklesia, or some representative portion of it, sitting as a jury.<ref>Ostwald M. ''From Popular Sovereignty to the Sovereignty of the Law: Law, Society and Politics in Fifth Century Athens'', Berkeley (1986), pp. 9–12, 35.</ref><ref>Stanton, G. R. ''Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook'', Routledge, London (1990), p. 67, n. 2.</ref> By giving common people the power not only to elect officials but also to call them to account, Solon appears to have established the foundations of a true republic.{{efn|Some scholars have doubted whether Solon actually included the Thetes in the Ekklesia, this being considered too bold a move for any aristocrat in the archaic period.<ref>Hignett C. ''A History of the Athenian Constitution to the End of the Fifth Century B.C.'', Oxford University Press (1952), p. 117 f.</ref> Ancient sources<ref>''Athenaion Politeia'' [[s:Athenian Constitution#8|8.4]].</ref><ref>Plutarch, ''Solon'' [[s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#19|19]].</ref> credit Solon with the creation of a [[Boule (ancient Greece)|Council of Four Hundred]], drawn from the four Athenian tribes to serve as a steering committee for the enlarged Ekklesia. However, many modern scholars have doubted this also.<ref>Hignett C. ''A History of the Athenian Constitution to the End of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford University Press 1952) 92–96</ref><ref>Stanton, G. R. ''Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook'', Routledge, London (1990), p. 72 n. 14.</ref>}}

====Classes====
There is consensus among scholars that Solon lowered the requirements – those that existed in terms of financial and social qualifications – which applied to election to public office. The Solonian constitution divided citizens into four political classes defined according to assessable property<ref name="ReferenceB"/><ref name="ReferenceC">Plutarch, ''Solon'' [[s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#18|18]].</ref> a classification that might previously have served the state for military or taxation purposes only.<ref>Stanton, G. R. ''Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook'', Routledge, London (1990), p. 71, n. 6.</ref> The standard unit for this assessment was one ''[[medimnos]]'' (approximately 12 gallons) of cereals and yet the kind of classification set out below might be considered too simplistic to be historically accurate.<ref>V. Ehrenberg, ''From Solon to Socrates: Greek History and Civilization'', Routledge, London (1973).</ref>

*'''{{lang|grc-Latn|[[Pentakosiomedimnoi]]}}'''
**valued at 500 {{lang|grc-Latn|medimnoi}} or more of cereals annually.
**eligible to serve as {{lang|grc-Latn|[[strategoi]]}} (generals or military governors)
*'''{{lang|grc-Latn|[[Hippeis]]}}'''
**valued at 300 {{lang|grc-Latn|medimnoi}} or more annually.
**approximating to the [[medieval]] class of [[knights]], they had enough wealth to equip themselves for the [[Greek cavalry|cavalry]]
*'''{{lang|grc-Latn|[[Zeugitai]]}}'''
**valued at 200 {{lang|grc-Latn|medimnoi}} or more annually.
**approximating to the medieval class of [[yeoman]], they had enough wealth to equip themselves for the infantry ([[hoplite]])
*'''{{lang|grc-Latn|[[Thetes]]}}'''
**valued up to 199 {{lang|grc-Latn|medimnoi}} annually or less
**manual workers or sharecroppers, they served voluntarily in the role of personal servant, or as auxiliaries armed for instance with the [[sling (weapon)|sling]] or as rowers in the navy.

According to the ''Athenian Constitution'', only the {{lang|grc-Latn|pentakosiomedimnoi}} were eligible for election to high office as archons and therefore only they gained admission into the Areopagus.<ref>''Athenaion Politeia'' [[s:Athenian Constitution#7|7–8]].</ref> A modern view affords the same privilege to the {{lang|grc-Latn|hippeis}}.<ref>''Oxford Classical Dictionary'' (3rd edition 1996), s. v. 'Solon'.</ref> The top three classes were eligible for a variety of lesser posts and only the {{lang|grc-Latn|thetes}} were excluded from all public office.

===Economic===
The real motives behind Solon's economic reforms are as questionable as his real motives for constitutional reform. Were the poor being forced to serve the needs of a changing economy, was the economy being reformed to serve the needs of the poor, or were Solon's policies the manifestation of a struggle taking place between poorer citizens and the aristocrats?

Solon's economic reforms need to be understood in the context of the primitive, subsistence economy that prevailed both before and after his time. Most Athenians were still living in rural settlements right up to the [[Peloponnesian War]].<ref name="Thucydides 2.14–16" /> Opportunities for trade even within the Athenian borders were limited. The typical farming family, even in classical times, barely produced enough to satisfy its own needs.<ref>Gallant, T. ''Risk and Survival in Ancient Greece'', Stanford (1991), cited by Morris I. in [http://www.princeton.edu/~pswpc/pdfs/morris/120509.pdf "The Growth of City States in the First Millennium BC"], Stanford (2005), p. 7. {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220708003358/http://www.princeton.edu/~pswpc/pdfs/morris/120509.pdf|date=8 July 2022}}</ref> Opportunities for international trade were minimal. It has been estimated that, even in Roman times, goods rose 40% in value for every 100 miles they were carried over land, but only 1.3% for the same distance were they carried by ship<ref>Laurence R. ''Land Transport in Rural Italy'', Parkins and Smith (1998), cited by Morris I. in ''The Growth of City States in the First Millennium BC'', Stanford (2005).</ref> and yet there is no evidence that Athens possessed any merchant ships until around 525 BC.<ref>Morris I. ''The Growth of City States in the First Millennium BC'', Stanford (2005), p. 12.</ref> Until then, the narrow warship doubled as a cargo vessel. Athens, like other Greek city states in the 7th century BC, was faced with increasing population pressures<ref>Snodgrass A. ''Archaic Greece'', London (1980), cited by Morris I. in ''The Growth of City States in the First Millennium BC'', Stanford (2005), p. 11.</ref> and by about 525 BC it was able to feed itself only in good years.<ref>Garnsey P. ''Famine and Food Supply in Graeco-Roman World'', Cambridge (1988), p. 104, cited by Morris I. in ''The Growth of City States in the First Millennium BC'', Stanford (2005).</ref>

[[File:BMC 06.jpg|thumb|right|The [[Croeseid]], one of the earliest known coins. It was minted in the early 6th century BC in [[Lydia]]. Coins such as this might have made their way to Athens in Solon's time but it is unlikely that Athens had its own coinage at this period.]]Solon's reforms can thus be seen to have taken place at a crucial period of economic transition, when a subsistence rural economy increasingly required the support of a nascent commercial sector. The specific economic reforms credited to Solon are these:[[File:ATTICA, Athens. Circa 545-525-15 BC.jpg|thumb|The earliest coinage of [[Athens]], {{circa|545–515 BC}}]]

*Fathers were encouraged to find trades for their sons; if they did not, there would be no legal requirement for sons to maintain their fathers in old age.<ref>Plutarch, ''Solon'' [[s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#22|22.1]].</ref>
*Foreign tradesmen were encouraged to settle in Athens; those who did would be granted citizenship, provided they brought their families with them.<ref>Plutarch, ''Solon'' [[s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#24|24.4]].</ref>
*Cultivation of olives was encouraged; the export of all other fruits was prohibited.<ref>Plutarch, ''Solon'' [[s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#24|24.1]].</ref>
*Competitiveness of Athenian commerce was promoted through revision of weights and measures, possibly based on successful standards already in use elsewhere, such as [[Aegina]] or [[Euboia]]<ref>V. Ehrenberg, ''From Solon to Socrates: Greek History and Civilization'', Routledge (1973), p. 73 f.</ref><ref>Stanton, G. R. ''Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook'', Routledge, London (1990), pp. 60–63.</ref> or, according to the ancient account but unsupported by modern scholarship, [[Argos, Peloponnese|Argos]].<ref name="autogenerated1">''Athenaion Politeia'' [[s:Athenian Constitution#10|10]].</ref>

==== Coinage ====
It is generally assumed, on the authority of ancient commentators,<ref name="autogenerated1"/><ref>Plutarch (quoting Androtion), ''Solon'' [[s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#15|15.2–5]].</ref> that Solon also reformed the Athenian [[coin#History|coinage]]. However, recent numismatic studies now lead to the conclusion that Athens probably had no coinage until around 560 BC, well after Solon's reforms.<ref>Stanton, G. R. ''Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook'', Routledge, London (1990), p. 61, n. 4.</ref> Nevertheless, there are now reasons to suggest<ref>{{ill|Eberhard Ruschenbusch|de}} 1966, ''Solonos Nomoi'' [Solon's laws].</ref> that [[monetization]] had already begun before Solon's reforms. By the early sixth century the Athenians were using silver in the form of a variety of [[bullion]] silver pieces for monetary payments.<ref>Kroll, 1998, 2001, 2008.</ref> [[Dram (unit)#Ancient unit of mass|Drachma]] and [[Obol (coin)#Weight|obol]] as a term of bullion value had already been adopted, although the corresponding standard weights were probably unstable.<ref>William Metcalf, 
''The Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman Coinage'', [https://books.google.com/books?id=BsUdJPnmmpgC&q=Monetazation+began+before+the+first+coin+was+struck+in+Athens.+ p. 88].</ref>

==== Foreign trade ====
[[File:Amphora olive-gathering BM B226.jpg|thumb|right|This 6th century Athenian black-figure urn, in the [[British Museum]], depicts the olive harvest. Many farmers, enslaved for debt, would have worked on large estates for their creditors.]]

Solon's economic reforms succeeded in stimulating foreign trade. Athenian [[black-figure pottery]] was exported in increasing quantities and good quality throughout the Aegean between 600 BC and 560 BC, a success story that coincided with a decline in trade in Corinthian pottery.<ref name="Stanton, G. R. 1990 p. 76" /> The ban on the export of grain might be understood as a relief measure for the benefit of the poor. However, the encouragement of olive production for export could actually have led to increased hardship for many Athenians to the extent that it led to a reduction in the amount of land dedicated to grain. Moreover, an olive tree produces no fruit for the first six years<ref>Stanton, G. R. ''Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook'', Routledge, London (1991), p. 65, n. 1.</ref> (but farmers' difficulty of lasting until payback may also give rise to a [[Mercantilism#Great Britain|mercantilist]] argument in favour of supporting them through that, since the British case illustrates that "One domestic policy that had a lasting impact was the conversion of 'waste lands' to agricultural use. Mercantilists felt that to maximize a nation's power all land and resources had to be used to their utmost").

===Moral ===
In his poems, Solon portrays Athens as being under threat from the unrestrained greed and arrogance of its citizens.<ref>Demosthenes 19 (''On the Embassy''), p. 254 f.</ref> Even the earth ([[Gaia (mythology)|Gaia]]), the mighty mother of the gods, had been enslaved.<ref>''Athenaion Politeia'' (quoting Solon) [[s:Athenian Constitution#12|12.4]].</ref> The visible symbol of this perversion of the natural and social order was a boundary marker called a {{lang|grc-Latn|horos}}, a wooden or stone pillar indicating that a farmer was in debt or under contractual obligation to someone else, either a noble patron or a [[creditor]].<ref>Stanton, G. R. ''Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook'', Routledge, London (1991), pp. 55–56, n. 3 and 4.</ref>

==== {{lang|grc-Latn|Seisachtheia}} ====
Up until Solon's time, land was the inalienable property of a family or clan<ref>[[Harold Innis|Innis, H.]] ''Empire and Communications'', Rowman and Littlefield (2007), p. 91 f.</ref> and it could not be sold or mortgaged. This was no disadvantage to a clan with large landholdings since it could always rent out farms in a [[sharecropping]] system. A family struggling on a small farm however could not use the farm as security for a loan even if it owned the farm. Instead the farmer would have to offer himself and his family as security, providing some form of slave labour in lieu of repayment. Equally, a family might voluntarily pledge part of its farm income or labour to a powerful clan in return for its protection. Farmers subject to these sorts of arrangements were loosely known as {{lang|grc-Latn|hektemoroi}}<ref>Stanton, G. R. ''Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook'', Routledge, London (1991), p. 38, n. 3.</ref> indicating that they either paid or kept a sixth of a farm's annual yield.<ref>Stanton, G. R. ''Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook'', Routledge, London (1990), p. 35, n. 3.</ref><ref>Kirk, G. ''Historia'', Vol. 26 (1977), p. 369 f.</ref><ref>Woodhouse, W. ''Solon the Liberator: A Study of the Agrarian Problem in Attika in the Seventh Century'', Oxford University Press (1938).</ref> In the event of 'bankruptcy', or failure to honour the contract stipulated by the {{lang|grc-Latn|horoi}}, farmers and their families could in fact be sold into slavery.

Solon's reform of these injustices was later known and celebrated among Athenians as the {{lang|grc-Latn|[[seisachtheia]]}} (shaking off of burdens).<ref name="autogenerated2">''Athenaion Politeia'' [[s:Athenian Constitution#6|6]]</ref><ref name="autogenerated3">Plutarch, ''Solon'' [[s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#15|15.2]].</ref> As with all his reforms, there is considerable scholarly debate about its real significance. Many scholars are content to accept the account given by the ancient sources, interpreting it as a [[History of debt relief|cancellation of debts]], while others interpret it as the abolition of a type of feudal relationship, and some prefer to explore new possibilities for interpretation.<ref name="E. Harris, 1997"/> The reforms included:
*annulment of all contracts symbolised by the {{lang|grc-Latn|horoi}}.<ref name="autogenerated4">''Athenaion Politeia'' [[s:Athenian Constitution#12|12.4]], quoting Solon.</ref>
*prohibition on a debtor's person being used as security for a loan, i.e., [[debt slavery]].<ref name="autogenerated2"/><ref name="autogenerated3"/>
*release of all Athenians who had been enslaved.<ref name="autogenerated4"/>

The removal of the {{lang|grc-Latn|horoi}} clearly provided immediate economic relief for the most oppressed group in Attica, and it also brought an immediate end to the enslavement of Athenians by their countrymen. Some Athenians had already been sold into slavery abroad and some had fled abroad to escape enslavement – Solon proudly records in verse the return of this diaspora.<ref>Solon quoted in ''Athenaion Politeia'' [[s:Athenian Constitution#12|12.4]].</ref> It has been cynically observed, however, that few of these unfortunates were likely to have been recovered.<ref>Forrest G. ''The Oxford History of the Classical World'' ed. Griffin J. and Murray O. (Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 32.</ref> It has been observed also that the {{lang|grc-Latn|seisachtheia}} not only removed slavery and accumulated debt but may also have removed the ordinary farmer's only means of obtaining further credit.<ref>Stanton, G. R. ''Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook'' Routledge, London (1991), p. 57, n. 1.</ref>

The {{lang|grc-Latn|seisachtheia}} however was merely one set of reforms within a broader agenda of moral reformation. Other reforms included:
*the abolition of extravagant dowries.<ref>Plutarch, ''Solon'' [[s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#20|20.6]].</ref>
*legislation against abuses within the system of inheritance, specifically with relation to the {{lang|grc-Latn|[[epikleros]]}} (i.e. a female who had no brothers to inherit her father's property and who was traditionally required to marry her nearest paternal relative in order to produce an heir to her father's estate).<ref name=Grant49>Grant, Michael. ''The Rise of the Greeks'', Charles Scribner's Sons, New York 1988, p. 49.</ref>
*entitlement of any citizen to take legal action on behalf of another.<ref>''Athenaion Politeia'' [[s:Athenian Constitution#9|9]].</ref><ref>Plutarch, ''Solon'' [[s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#18|18.6]].</ref>
*the disenfranchisement of any citizen who might refuse to take up arms in times of civil strife, and war, a measure that was intended to counteract dangerous levels of political apathy.<ref>''Athenaion Politeia'' [[s:Athenian Constitution#8|8.5]].</ref><ref>Stanton, G. R. ''Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook'' Routledge, London (1991), p. 72, n. 17.</ref><ref>Plutarch, ''Solon'' [[s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#20|20.1]].</ref><ref>Goldstein J. ''Historia'', Vol. 21 (1972), pp. 538–545.</ref><ref>Develin R. ''Historia'', Vol. 26 (1977), p. 507 f.</ref>

[[Demosthenes]] claimed that the city's subsequent golden age included "personal modesty and frugality" among the Athenian aristocracy.<ref>Demosthenes, [https://web.archive.org/web/20010522162244/http://www.4literature.net/Demosthenes/Oration_on_the_Regulation_of_the_State/ ''On Organization''].</ref>

=== Sexual ===
As a regulator of Athenian society, Solon, according to some authors, also formalized its sexual mores. According to a surviving fragment from a work ("Brothers") by the comic playwright [[Philemon (poet)|Philemon]],<ref>Fr. 4</ref> Solon established publicly funded brothels at Athens in order to "democratize" the availability of sexual pleasure.<ref>Rachel Adams, David Savran, ''The Masculinity Studies Reader'', Blackwell, 2002, p. 74</ref> While the veracity of this comic account is open to doubt, at least one modern author considers it significant that in Classical Athens, three hundred or so years after the death of Solon, there existed a discourse that associated his reforms with an increased availability of heterosexual contacts.<ref>''One Hundred Years of Homosexuality: And Other Essays on Greek Love'', p.101</ref>

Ancient authors also say that Solon regulated [[Pederasty in ancient Greece|pederastic relationships]] in Athens; this has been presented as an adaptation of custom to the new structure of the {{lang|grc-Latn|[[polis]]}}.<ref>Bernard Sergent, "Paederasty and Political Life in Archaic Greek Cities", in ''Gay Studies from the French Culture'', Binghamton, New York: Harrington Park Press, 1993, pp. 153–154</ref><ref>Thomas Francis Scanlon, ''Eros and Greek Athletics'', p.213. "So it is clear that Solon was responsible for institutionalizing pederasty to some extent at Athens in the early sixth century."</ref> According to various authors, ancient lawgivers (and therefore Solon by implication) drew up a set of laws that were intended to promote and safeguard the institution of pederasty and to control abuses against freeborn boys. In particular, the orator Aeschines cites laws excluding slaves from wrestling halls and forbidding them to enter pederastic relationships with the sons of citizens.<ref>Aeschines, [http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/pwh/aeschines.html ''Against Timarchus''] 6, 25, 26; compare also Plutarch, ''Solon'' 1.3.</ref> Accounts of Solon's laws by 4th century orators like Aeschines, however, are considered unreliable for a number of reasons;<ref name="V. Ehrenberg, 1973" /><ref>Kevin Robb, ''Literacy and Paideia in Ancient Greece'', Oxford University Press, 1994, p. 128,</ref><ref>P. J. Rhodes, ''The Reforms and Laws of Solon: an Optimistic View'', in ''Solon of Athens: new historical and philological approaches'', eds. J. Blok and A. Lardinois (Brill, Leiden 2006)</ref>

{{quote|Attic pleaders did not hesitate to attribute to him (Solon) any law which suited their case, and later writers had no criterion by which to distinguish earlier from later works. Nor can any complete and authentic collection of his statutes have survived for ancient scholars to consult.<ref>Kevin Robb, ''Literacy and Paideia in Ancient Greece'', Oxford University Press, 1994, p. 128 (quoting F. E. Adcock)</ref>}}

Besides the alleged legislative aspect of Solon's involvement with pederasty, there were also suggestions of personal involvement. Ancient readers concluded, based on his own erotic poetry, that Solon himself had a preference for boys.<ref>{{cite book |author=Marilyn Skinner |title=Sexuality in Greek and Roman Culture |series=Ancient Cultures |edition=2nd |publisher=Wiley-Blackwell |year=2013 |isbn=978-1-4443-4986-3 |page=139}}</ref> According to some ancient authors Solon had taken the future tyrant [[Pisistratus]] as his {{lang|grc-Latn|[[eromenos]]}}. Aristotle, writing around 330 BC, attempted to refute that belief, claiming that "those are manifestly talking nonsense who pretend that Solon was the lover of Pisistratus, for their ages do not admit of it", as Solon was about thirty years older than Pisistratus.<ref>[[Aristotle]], ''The Athenian Constitution,'' 17.2</ref> Nevertheless, the tradition persisted. Four centuries later Plutarch ignored Aristotle's skepticism<ref>Louis Crompton, ''Homosexuality & Civilization'', p. 25</ref> and recorded the following anecdote, supplemented with his own conjectures:

{{quote|And they say Solon loved [Pisistratus]; and that is the reason, I suppose, that when afterwards they differed about the government, their enmity never produced any hot and violent passion, they remembered their old kindnesses, and retained "Still in its embers living the strong fire" of their love and dear affection.<ref>Plutarch, ''The Lives'', [[wikisource:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon|"Solon"]], tr. John Dryden</ref>}}

A century after Plutarch, [[Claudius Aelianus|Aelian]] also said that Pisistratus had been Solon's {{lang|grc-Latn|eromenos}}. Despite its persistence, however, it is not known whether the account is historical or fabricated. It has been suggested that the tradition presenting a peaceful and happy coexistence between Solon and Pisistratus was cultivated during the latter's dominion, in order to legitimize his own rule, as well as that of his sons. Whatever its source, later generations lent credence to the narrative.<ref>Elizabeth Irwin, ''Solon and Early Greek Poetry'', p. 272 n. 24</ref> Solon's presumed pederastic desire was thought in antiquity to have found expression also in his poetry, which is today represented only in a few surviving fragments.<ref>Matthew Dillon, [[Lynda Garland]], ''Ancient Greece'', p. 475</ref><ref>Nick Fisher, ''Against Timarchos,'' Oxford University Press 2001, p. 37</ref> The authenticity of all the poetic fragments attributed to Solon is however uncertain – in particular, pederastic aphorisms ascribed by some ancient sources to Solon have been ascribed by other sources to [[Theognis]] instead.<ref name="K. Hubbard, p.36" />