Editing Jack Lynch (section)

==Taoiseach (1966–1973) ==
Because Lynch was elected as somewhat of a "compromise candidate" it appeared to many that he would only remain as an interim Taoiseach. This thought could not be further from his mind, and he outlined his intentions shortly after coming to power. Lynch took particular exception to the title "Interim Taoiseach" or "Reluctant Taoiseach". He had no intention of stepping aside after a few years in favour of one of the other candidates who had been unsuccessful against him in 1966. He was, however, reluctant to name his first cabinet. He believed that the existing members of the government owed their positions to Lemass, and so he retained the entire cabinet, albeit with some members moving to different departments. Lynch adopted a chairman-like approach to government allowing his ministers a free run in their respective departments. He continued the modernising and liberal approach that Lemass had begun, albeit at a slower pace. Lynch was lucky in the timing of Lemass's resignation. The new Taoiseach now had almost a full Dáil term before the next general election.

===Proportional representation referendum===
With [[Fianna Fáil]] having been in power for eleven years by 1968, Lynch was persuaded once again to make an attempt to abolish the [[proportional representation]] method of voting in general elections in favour of a first-past-the-post system that was used in the United Kingdom. However, the campaign generated little enthusiasm, even within Fianna Fáil. The main opposition party [[Fine Gael]], along with the [[Labour Party (Ireland)|Labour Party]] opposed the referendum when it transpired that Fianna Fáil could win up to 80 or 90 seats in a 144-seat [[Dáil]] if the motion was passed. Much like in 1959, when the party tried to make the same referendum, the electorate believed this to be an attempt to institutionalise Fianna Fáil in power, and thus they rejected the motion put to them. This cast doubts on Lynch and his ability to win a general election, however, he proved his critics wrong in the [[1969 Irish general election|1969 general election]] when Fianna Fáil won its first overall majority since Éamon de Valera in 1957, and Lynch proved himself to be a huge electoral asset for the party.

=== Gaeltacht Civil Rights Movement ===
''[[Gluaiseacht Chearta Sibhialta na Gaeltachta]]'' was a pressure group campaigning for social, economic and cultural rights for native-speakers of Irish living in Gaeltacht areas. It was founded in Connemara in 1969 to highlight the decline of the Irish language and to campaign for greater rights for Irish speaking areas in the area of access to services, broadcasting and ultimately an elected assembly of their own.

The campaign was often of a militant nature, including placing nails under the wheels of the car carrying the Taoiseach Jack Lynch in Galway West during the 1969 general election campaign. Campaigners insisted the Taoiseach answer all of their questions before permitting him to continue on his journey. In that election a member of the campaign, Peadar Mac An Iomaire polled more than 6% of the vote in that constituency.

=== Northern Ireland ===
{{main|The Troubles}}
[[Northern Ireland]], and Lynch's attitude to the situation which was about to develop there would come to define his first tenure as Taoiseach. Lynch continued Lemass's approach in regard to relations with Northern Ireland. Better relations had been forged between the two parts of Ireland with cooperation between Ministers on several practical issues such as trade, agriculture and tourism. In December 1967, Lynch travelled to [[Belfast]] where he met with [[Prime Minister of Northern Ireland|Prime Minister]] [[Terence O'Neill]], for the first time at [[Parliament of Northern Ireland|Stormont]]. The meeting was arranged in the hope of forming even more links. On 8 January 1968, they met again in Dublin.<ref name="CA">{{cite web | title=A Chronology of the Conflict – 1968 | work=Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN) | url=http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/othelem/chron/ch68.htm | access-date=11 July 2009 | archive-date=6 August 2011 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110806142228/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/othelem/chron/ch68.htm | url-status=live }}</ref> However, the situation was already beginning to deteriorate in Northern Ireland with civil unrest and the resignation of O'Neill to come. O'Neill continued to hold Lynch in high regard stating in the House of Lords in 1972:
{{blockquote|I do not believe one could have a better Taoiseach than Mr. Lynch. It is not for nothing that he is known in the South as "Honest Jack". I do not know many other politicians who have that little prefix put in front of their names.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://api.parliament.uk/historic-hansard/lords/1972/dec/05/future-of-northern-ireland#S5LV0337P0_19721205_HOL_83|title=FUTURE OF NORTHERN IRELAND  |website=[[Hansard|Parliamentary Debates (Hansard)]]|access-date=2 November 2017|archive-date=10 March 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170310005203/http://hansard.millbanksystems.com/lords/1972/dec/05/future-of-northern-ireland#S5LV0337P0_19721205_HOL_83|date=5 December 1972|url-status=live}}</ref>}}

Shortly after Lynch's election victory in 1969, tensions in Northern Ireland finally spilled over and "[[The Troubles]]" began. The sight of refugees from the North teeming across the border turned public opinion in the Republic. The [[Battle of the Bogside]] in [[Derry]] between the [[Royal Ulster Constabulary]] and residents in August 1969, prompted Lynch on 13 August to make what some people consider [[wikisource:A broadcast by An Taoiseach Mr. Jack Lynch T.D.|one of the most important broadcasts to the nation]] on [[RTÉ]],<ref>{{cite web|title=The Taoiseach on the Situation in the North|url=http://www.rte.ie/archives/exhibitions/1042-northern-ireland-1969/1048-august-1969/320416-broadcast-by-an-taoiseach/|publisher=RTÉ.ie|access-date=2013-12-27|archive-date=27 December 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131227210838/http://www.rte.ie/archives/exhibitions/1042-northern-ireland-1969/1048-august-1969/320416-broadcast-by-an-taoiseach/|url-status=live}}</ref> commenting on the ever-increasingly violent situation he said:

{{blockquote|It is clear now that the present situation cannot be allowed to continue. It is evident also that the Stormont government is no longer in control of the situation. Indeed, the present situation is the inevitable outcome of the policies pursued for decades by successive Stormont governments. It is clear also that the Irish Government can no longer stand by and see innocent people injured and perhaps worse. It is obvious that the RUC is no longer accepted as an impartial police force. Neither would the employment of [[British army|British troops]] be acceptable nor would they be likely to restore peaceful conditions, certainly not in the long term. The [[Irish government]] have, therefore, requested the [[British government]] to apply immediately to the United Nations for the urgent dispatch of a Peace-Keeping Force to the Six Counties of Northern Ireland and have instructed the Permanent Representative to the United Nations to inform the Secretary General of this request. We have also asked the British Government to see to it that police attacks on the people of Derry should cease immediately.

Very many people have been injured and some of them seriously. We know that many of these do not wish to be treated in Six County hospitals. We have, therefore, directed the [[Irish Army]] authorities to have field hospitals established in [[County Donegal]] adjacent to Derry and at other points along the Border where they may be necessary.

Recognising, however, that the [[united Ireland|re-unification of the national territory]] can provide the only permanent solution for the problem, it is our intention to request the British Government to enter into early negotiations with the Irish Government to review the present constitutional position of the Six Counties of Northern Ireland.<ref>{{cite web|url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y9e-dGwiDM4|title=Jack Lynch On The Situation In North – 13 August 1969|last=ft01061990|date=31 October 2009|access-date=2 November 2017|via=[[YouTube]]|archive-date=16 August 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170816214720/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y9e-dGwiDM4&feature=youtu.be|url-status=live}}</ref>}}

Lynch's statement that the Irish Government could "no longer stand by" was interpreted by some [[Unionism in Ireland|Unionists]] in Northern Ireland as hinting at military intervention (and was misquoted as a promise not to "stand {{em|idly}} by"). A minority of ministers – two, according to [[Desmond O'Malley]] – would have favoured such a course, but the Irish Army was completely unprepared for an operation of this kind. The majority of the cabinet opposed military intervention, and Lynch took no such action, though he commissioned a study named ''[[Exercise Armageddon]]''. As the violence continued, the Minister for External Affairs, [[Patrick Hillery]], met the British [[Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs|Foreign Secretary]] and also went to the [[United Nations]] in a plea to send a [[peacekeeping]] force to the North and to highlight the Irish government's case. However, little else was achieved from these meetings other than media coverage of the activities in the north. The situation in Northern Ireland continued to deteriorate during Lynch's first term. [[Bloody Sunday (1972)|Bloody Sunday]] (30 January 1972), saw the killing of 14 unarmed civilians by [[Parachute Regiment (United Kingdom)|British paratroopers]] and a backlash of anti-British feeling in all parts of Ireland, including the burning of the [[Embassy of the United Kingdom, Dublin|British Embassy]] in Dublin.

Despite the strains in [[Ireland–United Kingdom relations|relations]] between the [[United Kingdom]] and [[Republic of Ireland|Ireland]] in the wake of those events, the then British Ambassador, [[John Peck (diplomat)|Sir John Peck]], praised Lynch, of whom he said "all those concerned with, and committed to, peace with justice in the North owe a very great deal to his courage and tenacity", adding that "I do not think that I ever succeeded in convincing British politicians of how much we owed him at that stage, or what the consequences would have been if he had lost his head".<ref>[https://books.google.com/books?id=QCagZOubDWUC&dq=%22I%20do%20not%20think%20that%20I%20ever%20succeeded%20in%20convincing%20British%20politicians%20of%20how%20much%20we%20owed%20him%20at%20that%20stage%2C%20or%20what%20the%20consequences%20would%20have%20been%20if%20he%20had%20lost%20his%20head%22&pg=PA358 ''A New History of Ireland, Volume II: Medieval Ireland 1169–1534''] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181229075655/https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=QCagZOubDWUC&lpg=PA358&ots=pF6vQ5plWH&dq=%22I%20do%20not%20think%20that%20I%20ever%20succeeded%20in%20convincing%20British%20politicians%20of%20how%20much%20we%20owed%20him%20at%20that%20stage%2C%20or%20what%20the%20consequences%20would%20have%20been%20if%20he%20had%20lost%20his%20head%22&pg=PA358 |date=29 December 2018 }}, Volume 2, Art Cosgrove, OUP Oxford, 2008, page 358</ref>

===Arms crisis===
{{main|Arms crisis}}
Lynch's attitude towards the Northern Ireland question and the application of Fianna Fáil party policy to it would eventually come to define his first period as Taoiseach, and would once again show his critics that far from being "reluctant" he was in fact a strong and decisive leader. His strong leadership skills and determination were clearly evident in 1970, when allegations (later disproved in court, though questions since have emerged challenging that verdict in one case), that the hardline republican Minister for Agriculture, [[Neil Blaney]], and the Minister for Finance, [[Charles Haughey]], were involved in an attempt to use £100,000 in aid money to import arms for the [[Provisional IRA]]. Both ministers were sacked after some initial procrastination on Lynch's part, his innocent Minister for Justice, [[Mícheál Ó Móráin]], retired the day before and a fourth minister, [[Kevin Boland]] and his Parliamentary Secretary, resigned in sympathy with Haughey and Blaney. The whole affair, which became known as the [[Arms Crisis]], allowed Lynch to stamp his control on his government, but would eventually lead to deep division in Fianna Fáil for many decades to come. It is now believed by some that Lynch was aware of these activities and acted only when his hand was forced when the [[Special Detective Unit|Garda Special Branch]] informed the leader of the opposition and threatened to go to the media.<ref>See: Heney, Michael (2020), The Arms Crisis of 1970, London: Head of Zeus</ref>

===EEC membership===
[[File:EEC Enlargement groups.png|thumb|[[Ireland]], along with the [[United Kingdom]] and [[Denmark]], joined the [[European Economic Community|EEC]] in 1973]]
One of the high points of Lynch's first term as Taoiseach, and possibly one of the most important events in modern Irish history, was Ireland's entry into the [[European Economic Community]]. Lynch personally steered the application for membership. Membership was accepted by a five-to-one majority in a referendum. Ireland officially joined, along with its nearest neighbour, the United Kingdom and [[Denmark]], on 1 January 1973. [[Patrick Hillery]] became Ireland's first [[European Commissioner]]. In appointing Hillery Europe was gaining one of Ireland's most experienced politicians, while on the other hand, Lynch was losing one of his staunchest allies. The admittance of Ireland was the culmination of a decade of preparation which was begun by Lynch and his predecessor, [[Seán Lemass]], who unfortunately did not live to see what would have been his greatest achievement.

===Social change===

A number of social initiatives were carried out during Lynch's two periods as Taoiseach, including the introduction of Occupational Injuries Benefit, Retirement Pension, and Deserted Wife's Allowance, and an increase in the single earner's unemployment replacement rate.<ref>Ideologues, Partisans, and Loyalists Ministers and Policymaking in Parliamentary Cabinets By Despina Alexiadou, 2016, P.181</ref> In 1967, a redundancy payments scheme was introduced, and in 1970, various improvements in welfare provision for women were introduced. Maternity insurance was extended to all female employees, a social insurance benefit for deserted wives was introduced, a means-tested allowance for unmarried mothers was established, and an earnings-related component was added to the basic flat-rate maternity benefit.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GaWtd5zJfB8C&q=growth+to+limits+ireland+old+age+pension+insurance+for+all+manual+wage+earners&pg=PA248|title=Growth to Limits: The Western European Welfare States Since World War II|first=Peter|last=Flora|date=2 November 1986|publisher=Walter de Gruyter|isbn=9783110111316|access-date=2 November 2017|via=Google Books|archive-date=29 April 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210429151053/https://books.google.com/books?id=GaWtd5zJfB8C&q=growth+to+limits+ireland+old+age+pension+insurance+for+all+manual+wage+earners&pg=PA248|url-status=live}}</ref> In 1967, free secondary education was introduced, together with free transport to school "for those living more than three miles from the nearest school". In 1972, entitlement to free travel on public transport was introduced for all persons of pensionable age, while people eligible for free hospital care became entitled to prescription drug reimbursement over a certain amount each month.<ref>{{cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GaWtd5zJfB8C&q=growth+to+limits+free+secondary+education+became+available+in+1967%2C+along+with&pg=PA275|title=Growth to Limits: The Western European Welfare States Since World War II|first=Peter|last=Flora|date=2 November 1986|publisher=Walter de Gruyter|isbn=9783110111316|access-date=2 November 2017|via=Google Books|archive-date=22 September 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210922193549/https://books.google.com/books?id=GaWtd5zJfB8C&q=growth+to+limits+free+secondary+education+became+available+in+1967%2C+along+with&pg=PA275|url-status=live}}</ref>