Editing Edward I of England (section)

==Government and law==

===Character as king===
[[File:The Seal of King Edward I.jpg|thumb|left|alt=The Seal of Edward I, dating from 1290. It depicts the King in armour with a sword and a shield, and he is riding on a horse.|A 1290 seal of Edward I]]
Edward had a reputation for a fierce and sometimes unpredictable temper,<ref name= Hamilton61>{{Harvnb|Hamilton|2010|p=61}}.</ref> and he could be intimidating; one story tells how the [[Dean of St Paul's]], wishing to confront Edward over high taxation in 1295, fell down and died once he was in the King's presence,<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|2005|p=177}}.</ref> and one 14th-century chronicler attributed the death of [[Thomas of Corbridge|Archbishop Thomas of York]] to the King's harsh conduct towards him.<ref name= Hamilton60>{{Harvnb|Hamilton|2010|p=60}}.</ref> When Edward of Caernarfon demanded an earldom for his favourite [[Piers Gaveston]], the King erupted in anger and supposedly tore out handfuls of his son's hair.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=552}}.</ref> Some of his contemporaries considered Edward frightening, particularly in his early days. The ''[[Song of Lewes]]'' in 1264 described him as a leopard, an animal regarded as particularly powerful and unpredictable.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=24}}.</ref> At times, Edward exhibited a gentler disposition, and was known to be devoted to his large family. He was close to his daughters, and gave them expensive gifts when they visited court.<ref name= Hamilton62/>

Despite his harsh disposition, Edward's English contemporaries considered him an able, even an ideal, king.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=559}}.</ref> Though not loved by his subjects, he was feared and respected, as reflected in the lack of armed rebellions in England during his reign.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|2003|pp=37–38, 565}}.</ref> Edward is often noted as exhibiting vindictiveness towards his defeated enemies, and triumphalism in his actions.<ref>{{harvnb|Frame|1990|pp=142-143}}</ref> Historian [[Rees Davies|R.&nbsp;R.&nbsp;Davies]] considered Edward's repeated and "gratuitous belittling of his opponents", to have been "one of the most consistent and unattractive features of his character as king".<ref>{{harvnb|Davies|2000|pp=346-347, 366, 383}}. Quotes at p. 347</ref> Examples include the seizure of fragments of the Holy Cross from Wales after its defeat in 1283, and subsequently the Stone of Scone and [[regalia]] from Scotland after defeats in 1296.<ref>{{harvnb|Davies|1990|p=|pp=125–126}}</ref> Some historians question Edward's good faith and trustworthiness in relation to his dealing with Wales and Scotland, believing him to have been capable of behaving duplicitously.<ref>{{harvnb|Barrow|1983|pp=394-395}}, {{harvnb|Davies|2000|pp=346-347}}</ref>

Historian Michael Prestwich believes Edward met contemporary expectations of kingship in his role as an able, determined soldier and in his embodiment of shared chivalric ideals.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|2003|pp=33–34}}.</ref> In religious observance he fulfilled the expectations of his age: he attended chapel regularly, gave [[alms]] generously and showed a fervent [[devotion to the Virgin Mary]] and [[Saint Thomas Becket]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|pp=112–113}}; {{Harvnb|Hamilton|2010|p=59}}.</ref> Like his father, Edward was a keen participant in the tradition of the [[royal touch]], which was believed to cure those who were touched from [[scrofula]]. Contemporary records suggest that the King touched upwards of a thousand people each year.<ref name= Hamilton60/> Despite his personal piety, Edward was frequently in conflict with the Archbishops of Canterbury who served during his reign. Relations with [[the Papacy]] were at times no better, Edward coming into conflict with Rome over the issue of ecclesiastical taxation.<ref name= Hamilton60/> Edward's use of the church extended to war mobilisation including disseminating justifications for war, usually through the issue of writs to England's archbishops, who distributed his requests for services and prayers.{{sfn|Bachrach|2004|p=396}} Edward's architectural programme similarly had an element of propaganda, sometimes combining this with religious messages of piety, as with the Eleanor Crosses.{{sfn|Stocker|1986|p=115}}

Edward took a keen interest in the [[Arthurian Cycle|stories of King Arthur]], which were popular in Europe during his reign.<ref>{{Harvnb|Raban|2000|p=140}}; {{Harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=34}}.</ref> In 1278 he visited [[Glastonbury Abbey]] to open what was then believed to be the tomb of Arthur and [[Guinevere]], and gained "[[Llywelyn's coronet|Arthur's crown]]" from Llywelyn after the conquest of North Wales;<ref>{{Harvnb|Chancellor|1981|p=113}}.</ref> his castle-building campaign in Wales drew upon the Arthurian myths in their design and location.<ref>{{Harvnb|Morris|2009|p=192}}; {{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|pp=120–121}}.</ref> He held "Round Table" events in 1284 and 1302, involving tournaments and feasting, and chroniclers compared him and the events at his court to Arthur.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|pp=120–121}}; {{Harvnb|Loomis|1953|pp=125–127}}.</ref> In some cases Edward appears to have used the Arthurian myths to serve his own political interests, including legitimising his rule in Wales and discrediting the [[King Arthur's messianic return|Welsh belief that Arthur might return as their political saviour]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Morris|2009|pp=164–166}}; {{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|pp=121–122}}.</ref>

===Administration and the law===
[[File:King Edward I penny London mint.jpg|thumb|upright=1.25|alt=Two sides of a long cross penny coin. The left image shows its obverse, with a portrait of King Edward wearing a coronet. The right image, showing the reverse, depicts a cross.|[[Long cross penny]] with portrait of Edward, struck in London]]
Soon after assuming the throne, Edward set about restoring order and re-establishing royal authority after the troubled reign of his father.<ref>{{Harvnb|Morris|2009|pp=116–117}}; {{Harvnb|Hamilton|2010|pp=65–66}}.</ref> To accomplish this, he immediately ordered an extensive change of administrative personnel. The most important of these was the designation of Robert Burnell as chancellor in 1274, a man who would remain in the post until 1292 as one of the King's closest associates.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=92}}.</ref> The same year as Burnell's appointment, Edward replaced most local officials, such as the [[escheat]]ors and [[High sheriff|sheriffs]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=93}}.</ref> This last measure was taken in preparation for an extensive inquest covering all of England, that would hear complaints about [[abuse of power]] by royal officers. The second purpose of the inquest was to establish what land and rights [[The Crown#Concept|the Crown]] had lost during the reign of Henry&nbsp;III.<ref>{{Harvnb|Morris|2009|p=115}}.</ref>

The inquest produced a set of census documents called the [[Hundred Rolls]].<ref name= Jenks163164>{{Harvnb|Jenks|1902|pp=163–164}}.</ref> These have been likened to the 11th-century [[Domesday Book]],<ref>{{Harvnb|Chancellor|1981|pp=130–131}}.</ref> and they formed the basis for the later legal inquiries called the ''[[Quo warranto]]'' proceedings.<ref>{{Harvnb|Hamilton|2010|pp=64–65}}.</ref> The purpose of these inquiries was to establish by what warrant ({{Langx|la|Quo warranto}}) [[Liberty (division)|liberties]] were held.<ref name=Sutherland1963PP146/>{{Efn|Among those singled out in particular by the royal justices was [[Gilbert de Clare, 6th Earl of Hertford]], who was seen to have encroached ruthlessly on royal rights over the preceding years.<ref name="Sutherland1963PP146">{{Harvnb|Sutherland|1963|pp=146–147}}.</ref>}} If the defendant could not produce a royal licence to prove the grant of the liberty, then it was the Crown's opinion{{Spaced en dash}}based on the writings of the influential 13th-century legal scholar [[Henry de Bracton]]{{Spaced en dash}}that the liberty should revert to the King. Both the [[Statute of Westminster 1275]] and [[Statute of Westminster 1285]] codified the existing law in England.<ref>{{Harvnb|Salzman|1968|pp=204–205}}.</ref> By enacting the [[Statute of Gloucester]] in 1278 the King challenged baronial rights through a revival of the system of general [[eyre (legal term)|eyres]] (royal justices to go on tour throughout the land) and through a significant increase in the number of pleas of quo warranto to be heard by such eyres.<ref>{{Harvnb|Chancellor|1981|pp=138–139}}.</ref>

This caused great consternation among the aristocracy,<ref name=Carpenter2004469>{{Harvnb|Carpenter|2004|p=469}}.</ref> who insisted that long use in itself constituted [[licence]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Sutherland|1963|p=14}}.</ref> A compromise was eventually reached in 1290, whereby a liberty was considered legitimate as long as it could be shown to have been exercised since the coronation of [[Richard the Lionheart]] in 1189.<ref>{{Harvnb|Powicke|1962|pp=378–379}}.</ref> Royal gains from the ''Quo warranto'' proceedings were insignificant as few liberties were returned to the King,<ref>{{Harvnb|Sutherland|1963|p=188}}.</ref> but he had nevertheless won a significant victory by establishing the principle that all liberties emanated from the Crown.<ref>{{Harvnb|Sutherland|1963|p=149}}.</ref>

The 1290 statute of ''Quo warranto'' was only one part of a wider legislative reform, which was one of the most important contributions of Edward's reign.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=267}}.</ref> This era of legislative action had started already at the time of the baronial reform movement; the [[Statute of Marlborough]] (1267) contained elements both of the Provisions of Oxford and the Dictum of Kenilworth.<ref>{{Harvnb|Brand|2003|p=362}}</ref> The compilation of the Hundred Rolls was followed shortly after by the issue of Westminster&nbsp;I (1275), which asserted the [[royal prerogative]] and outlined restrictions on liberties.<ref>{{Harvnb|Plucknett|1949|pp=29–30}}.</ref> The [[Statutes of Mortmain]] (1279) addressed the issue of land grants to the Church.<ref>{{Harvnb|Plucknett|1949|pp=94–98}}.</ref> The first clause of Westminster&nbsp;II (1285), known as ''[[De donis conditionalibus]]'', dealt with family settlement of land, and [[entail]]s.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=273}}.</ref> [[Statute merchant|The Statute of Merchants]] (1285) established firm rules for the recovery of debts,<ref>{{Harvnb|Plucknett|1949|pp=140–144}}.</ref> and the [[Statute of Winchester]] (1285) dealt with security and peacekeeping on a local level by bolstering the existing police system.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|pp=280–281}}; {{Harvnb|Chancellor|1981|p=139}}.</ref> ''[[Quia emptores]]'' (1290){{Spaced en dash}}issued along with ''Quo warranto''{{Spaced en dash}}set out to remedy land ownership disputes resulting from alienation of land by [[subinfeudation]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Plucknett|1949|pp=45, 102–104}}.</ref> The age of the great statutes largely ended with the death of Robert Burnell in 1292.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=293}}.</ref>

===Finances and Parliament===
[[File:Groat of Edward I 4 pences.jpg|thumb|upright=1.09|left|alt=Two sides of a groat (coin) dating from the reign of Edward I. The left image shows its obverse, with a head with a coronet, representing King Edward. The surrounding text says, in abbreviated Latin, "Edward, by the grace of God King of England". The right image shows the reverse, which featured a cross and the text "Duke of Aquitaine and Lord of Ireland", and "Made in London".|Two [[Groat (coin)|groat]]s of Edward&nbsp;I (4&nbsp;[[pence]] coins). On the left the obverse shows a head with a coronet. The surrounding text says, in abbreviated Latin, "Edward, by the grace of God king of England". The reverse shows a cross and the text "Duke of Aquitaine and Lord of Ireland", and "Made in London".]]

Edward's reign saw an overhaul of the coinage system, which was in a poor state by 1279.<ref name="Prestwich 1997 247">{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=247}}.</ref> Compared to the coinage already circulating at the time of Edward's accession, the new coins issued proved to be of superior quality. In addition to minting [[History of the English penny (1154–1485)|pennies]], [[History of the halfpenny|halfpences]] and [[Farthing (English coin)|farthings]], a new denomination called the [[Groat (coin)|groat]] (which proved to be unsuccessful) was introduced.<ref name="Prestwich 1997 246">{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=246}}.</ref> The coinmaking process itself was also improved. The [[moneyer]] William Turnemire introduced a novel method of minting coins that involved cutting blank coins from a silver rod, in contrast with the old practice of stamping them out from sheets; this technique proved to be efficient.<ref name="Prestwich 1997 246"/> The practice of minting coins with the moneyer's name on them became obsolete under Edward's rule because England's mint administration became far more centralised under the Crown's authority. During this time, English coins were frequently counterfeited on the Continent, especially the [[Low Countries]], and despite a ban in 1283, English coinage was secretly exported to the European continent.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|pp=246–247}}.</ref> In August 1280, Edward forbade the usage of the old [[Long cross penny|long cross coinage]], which forced the populace to switch to the newly minted versions.<ref name="Prestwich 1997 247"/> Records indicate that the coinage overhaul successfully provided England with a stable currency.<ref name="Prestwich 1997 248">{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=248}}.</ref>

[[File:Medieval parliament edward.Jpg|thumb|upright=1.09|alt=Below a piece of text is seen a king on a throne on a podium. On either side is seen a king and a bishop in front of the podium and clerks behind it. In front of this sit several lay and ecclesiastical lords, and more clerks, in a square on a chequered floor.|16th-century illustration of Edward&nbsp;I presiding over Parliament. The scene shows Alexander III of Scotland and [[Llywelyn ap Gruffudd]] of Wales on either side of Edward; an episode that never occurred.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=plate 14}}.</ref>]]

Edward's frequent military campaigns put a great financial strain on the nation.<ref>{{Harvnb|Harriss|1975|p=49}}.</ref> There were several ways through which the King could raise money for war, including customs duties, loans and lay subsidies, which were taxes collected at a certain fraction of the moveable property of all laymen who held such assets. In 1275, Edward negotiated an agreement with the domestic merchant community that secured a permanent duty on wool, England's primary export.<ref>{{Harvnb|Carpenter|2004|pp=470–471}}.</ref> In 1303, a similar agreement was reached with foreign merchants, in return for certain rights and privileges.<ref>{{Harvnb|Brown|1989|pp=65–66}}.</ref> The revenues from the customs duty were handled by the [[House of Simonetti#Simonetti of Lucca|Riccardi]], a group of bankers from [[Lucca]] in Italy.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|pp=99–100}}.</ref> This was in return for their service as moneylenders to the crown, which helped finance the Welsh Wars. When the war with France broke out, the French king confiscated the Riccardi's assets, and the bank went bankrupt.<ref>{{Harvnb|Brown|1989|pp=80–81}}.</ref> After this, the [[Frescobaldi]] of [[Florence]] took over the role as moneylenders to the English crown.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=403}}.</ref> Edward also sought to reduce pressure on his finances by helping his wife Eleanor to build an independent income.<ref>{{Harvnb|Parsons|1995|p=|pp=149-151}}</ref>

Edward held Parliament on a regular basis throughout his reign.<ref>{{Harvnb|Powicke|1962|p=342}}.</ref> In 1295, a significant change occurred. For this Parliament, as well as the secular and ecclesiastical lords, two knights from each county and two representatives from each borough were summoned.<ref name="Krieger1">{{Harvnb|Krieger|Neill|Jantzen|1992|p=251}}, {{Harvnb|Brown|1989|p=185}}.</ref> The representation of commons in Parliament was nothing new; what was new was the authority under which these representatives were summoned. Whereas previously the commons had been expected to assent to decisions made by the magnates, it was now proclaimed that they should meet with the full authority (''plena potestas'') of their communities, to give assent to decisions made in Parliament.<ref>{{Harvnb|Harriss|1975|pp=41–42}}.</ref> The King now had full backing for collecting lay subsidies from the entire population.<ref>{{Harvnb|Brown|1989|pp=70–71}}.</ref> Whereas Henry III had only collected four of these in his reign, Edward collected nine.<ref>{{Harvnb|Brown|1989|p=71}}.</ref> This format eventually became the standard for later Parliaments, and historians have named the assembly the "[[Model Parliament]]",<ref>{{Harvnb|Krieger|Neill|Jantzen|1992|p=252}}.</ref> a term first introduced by the English historian [[William Stubbs]].<ref name="Morris2009PP282">{{Harvnb|Morris|2009|pp=283–284}}.</ref>

===Parliament and the expulsion of the Jews===
{{Further|History of the Jews in England (1066–1290)#Edward I and the Expulsion|Edict of Expulsion}}
[[File:BritLibCottonNeroDiiFol183vPersecutedJews.jpg|thumb|left|A contemporary illustration showing the expulsion of the Jews. Image shows the white double ''[[Jewish badge|tabula]]'' that Jews in England were mandated to wear by law.|alt=Jews wearing Jewish badges and being beaten by English people as they are forced to leave.]] Edward's policy towards the [[English Jews]] dominated his financial relations with Parliament until 1290.{{sfn|Stacey|1997|p=78}} Jews, unlike Christians, were allowed to charge interest on loans, known as [[usury]]. Edward faced pressure from the church, who were increasingly intolerant of Judaism and usury.<ref>{{harvnb|Tolan|2023|pp=170-172}}</ref> The Jews were the King's personal property, and he was free to tax them at will.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=344}}.</ref> Over-taxation of the Jews forced them to sell their debt bonds at cut prices, which was exploited by the crown to transfer vast land wealth from indebted landholders to courtiers and his wife, Eleanor of Provence, causing widespread resentment.<ref>{{Harvnb|Parsons|1995|p=|pp=149-151, 123}}, {{Harvnb|Hillaby|Hillaby|2013|p=13}}, {{Harvnb|Morris|2009|p=86}}, {{harvnb|Tolan|2023|pp=140, 170}}.</ref> In 1275, facing discontent in Parliament, Edward issued the [[Statute of the Jewry]], which outlawed loans with interest and encouraged the Jews to take up other professions.<ref>{{Harvnb|Powicke|1962|p=322}}, {{Harvnb|Stacey|1997|pp=96-97}}, {{harvnb|Tolan|2023|p=170}}.</ref> In 1279, using a crack-down on [[Methods of coin debasement|coin-clippers]] as a pretext, he organised the arrest of all the heads of Jewish households in England. Approximately a tenth of the Jewish population, around 300 people, were executed. Others were allowed to pay fines. At least £16,000{{efn|A value of approximately 1.6m days of work for a skilled tradesman.<ref>{{harvnb|National Archives|2024}}</ref>}} was raised through fines and the seizure of property from the dead.<ref>{{Harvnb|Morris|2009|pp=170–171}}, {{Harvnb|Rokéah|1988|pp=91-92, 98}}.</ref>{{efn|Rokéah's figures make it clear that the vast majority of this windfall came from Jews, but it is not possible to be exact. Christians were also arrested and fined, especially over the longer period, but far fewer were executed.<ref>{{Harvnb|Rokéah|1988|pp=97-98}}</ref>}} In 1280, he ordered all Jews to attend special sermons, preached by Dominican friars, with the hope of persuading them to convert, but these exhortations were not followed.<ref>{{Harvnb|Morris|2009|p=226}}, {{harvnb|Tolan|2023|p=172}}.</ref> By 1280, the Jews had been exploited to a level at which they were no longer of much financial use to the crown,<ref name="Chancellor135">{{Harvnb|Chancellor|1981|p=135}}, {{Harvnb|Richardson|1960|pp=214–216}}, {{Harvnb|Stacey|1997|p=93}}.</ref> but they could still be used in political bargaining.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|pp=344–345}}, {{Harvnb|Stacey|1997|p=93}}.</ref>

With the Edict of Expulsion in 1290, Edward formally expelled all Jews from England.{{efn|name=expulsiondate|The date for the Edict of Expulsion, 18 July 1290, was the fast of the [[ninth of Ab]], commemorating the fall of the Temple at Jerusalem and other disasters experienced by the Jewish people; it is unlikely to be a coincidence. The date by which the Jews had to leave was set as 1 November, [[All Saints' Day]].<ref>{{harvnb|Richmond|1992|pp=44-45}}, {{harvnb|Roth|1964|p=85}}</ref>}} As they crossed the Channel to France, some became victims to piracy, and many more were dispossessed or died in the October storms.<ref>{{Harvnb|Morris|2009|pp=226–228}}, {{harvnb|Roth|1964|p=87}}.</ref> The Crown disposed of their property through sales and 85 grants made to courtiers and family.<ref>{{Harvnb|Huscroft|2006|pp=157-159}}</ref>{{efn|For example, Eleanor of Castile gave the Canterbury synagogue to her tailor.<ref>{{Harvnb|Huscroft|2006|pp=157-159}}</ref>}} The Edict appears to have been issued as part of a deal to secure a lay subsidy of £110,000 from Parliament,{{efn|A value of about 11 million days' work for a skilled tradesman.<ref>{{harvnb|National Archives|2024}}</ref>}} the largest granted in the medieval period.<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=345}}; {{Harvnb|Powicke|1962|p=513}}.</ref> Although expulsions had taken place on a local, temporary basis,{{efn|For example, [[Philip II of France]], [[John I, Duke of Brittany]] and Louis IX of France, had temporarily expelled Jews.<ref>{{Harvnb|Roth|1964|p=90}}, {{Harvnb|Skinner|2003|p=1}}, {{Harvnb|Huscroft|2006|p=12}}</ref>}} the English expulsion was unprecedented because it was permanent.<ref>{{Harvnb |Roth|1964|p=90}}, {{Harvnb|Stacey|2001}}, {{Harvnb|Skinner|2003|p=1}}, {{Harvnb|Huscroft|2006|p=12}}</ref> It was [[Resettlement of the Jews in England|eventually reversed in the 1650s]].<ref>{{Harvnb|Prestwich|1997|p=346}}, {{Harvnb|Morris|2009|p=226}}, {{Harvnb|Roth|1964|p=|pp=164-166}}.</ref> Edward claimed the Expulsion was done "in honour of the [[Jesus|Crucified]]" and blamed the Jews for their treachery and criminality.<ref>{{harvnb|Hillaby|Hillaby|2013|p=138}}</ref> He helped pay for the renovation of the tomb of [[Little Saint Hugh]], a child falsely claimed to have been ritually crucified by Jews, in the same style as the Eleanor crosses, to take political credit for his actions. As historian Richard Stacey notes, "a more explicit identification of the crown with the [[blood libel|ritual crucifixion charge]] can hardly be imagined."<ref>Quote at {{Harvnb|Stacey|2001|p=174}}. See also {{Harvnb|Stacey|2001|pp=176-177}}, {{Harvnb|Stocker|1986|p=|pp=115-116}}, {{Harvnb|Hillaby|1994|p=|pp=94-98}}</ref>{{efn|The tomb featured the Royal Crest. The association with the Eleanor crosses is likely to have been an attempt by Edward to associate her memory with opposition to the alleged criminality of the Jews, given her unpopular property dealings which had featured acquisition of lands through purchase of Jewish bonds.{{sfn|Hillaby|1994|pp=94–98}}}}

===Administration in Ireland===
{{Further|History of Ireland (1169–1536)#Lordship of Ireland (1171–1300)|Lordship of Ireland}}
[[File:Lordship of Ireland, 1300.png|thumb|Lordship of Ireland (pink) and Gaelic controlled areas (yellow), 1300]] Edward's primary interest in Ireland was as a source of resources, soldiers and funds for his wars, in Gascony, Wales, Scotland and Flanders. Royal interventions aimed to maximise economic extraction.{{sfn|Lydon|2008a|p=181}} Corruption among Edward's officials was at a high level, and despite Edward's efforts after 1272 to reform the Irish administration, record keeping was poor.{{sfn|Lydon|2008a|pp=193–194}} 

Disturbances in Ireland increased during the period. The weakness and lack of direction given to the Lordship's rule allowed factional fighting to grow, reinforced by the introduction of indentured military service by Irish magnates from around 1290.{{sfn|Lydon|2008a|pp=185–186}} The funnelling of revenue to Edward's wars left Irish castles, bridges and roads in disrepair, and alongside the withdrawal of troops to be used against Wales and Scotland and elsewhere, helped induce lawless behaviour. Resistance to 'purveyances', or forced purchase of supplies such as grain, added to lawlessness, and caused speculation and inflation in the price of basic goods.{{sfn|Lydon|2008a|pp=196–197, 202–203}} Pardons were granted to lawbreakers for service for the King in England.{{sfn|Lydon|2008a|pp=202-203}} Revenues and removal of troops for Edward's wars left the country unable to address its basic needs, while the administration was wholly focused on providing for Edward's war demands;{{sfn|Lydon|2008a|p=201}} troops looted and fought with townspeople when on the move.{{sfn|Lydon|2008a|p=203}} [[Gaelic Ireland]] enjoyed a revival, due to the absence of English magnates and the weakness of the Lordship, assimilating some of the settlers.{{sfn|Lydon|2008b|pp=271, 273}} Edward's government was hostile to the use of [[Early Irish law|Gaelic law]], which it condemned in 1277 as "displeasing to God and to reason".{{sfn|Davies|1990|p=115}} Conflict was firmly entrenched by the time of the 1297 Irish Parliament, which attempted to create measures to counter disorder and the spread of Gaelic customs and law, while the results of the distress included many abandoned lands and villages.<ref>{{harvnb|Lydon|2008b|pp=272-273}}, {{harvnb|Lydon|2008a|p=203}}</ref>