Editing Russian Revolution of 1905 (section)

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[[File:Repin 17October.jpg|thumb|[[Ilya Repin]], ''17 October 1905.'' Russians celebrating the granting of the [[October Manifesto]] by Nicholas II, which led to the granting of the 1906 Constitution.]]
Following the Revolution of 1905, the Tsar made last attempts to save his regime, and offered reforms similar to most rulers when pressured by a revolutionary movement. The military remained loyal throughout the Revolution of 1905, as shown by their shooting of revolutionaries when ordered by the Tsar, making overthrow difficult. These reforms were outlined in a precursor to the Constitution of 1906 known as the [[October Manifesto]] which created the [[Imperial Duma]]. The [[Russian Constitution of 1906]], also known as the Fundamental Laws, set up a multiparty system and a limited constitutional monarchy. The revolutionaries were quelled and satisfied with the reforms, but it was not enough to prevent the [[1917 revolution]] that would later topple the Tsar's regime.

===Creation of Duma and appointment of Stolypin===
There had been earlier attempts in establishing a Russian Duma before the October Manifesto, but these attempts faced dogged resistance. One attempt in July 1905, called the Bulygin Duma, tried to reduce the assembly into a consultative body. It also proposed limiting voting rights to those with a higher property qualification, excluding industrial workers. Both sides&mdash;the opposition and the conservatives&mdash;were not pleased with the results.<ref>{{cite journal |last = Sohrabi |first = Nader |date = May 1995 |title = Historicizing Revolutions: Constitutional Revolutions in the Ottoman Empire, Iran, Russia, 1905–1908 |jstor = 2782676 |journal = American Journal of Sociology |publisher = The University of Chicago Press |volume = 100 |issue = 6 |pages = 1424–1425 |doi = 10.1086/230667 |s2cid = 144939087 }}</ref> Another attempt in August 1905 was almost successful, but that too died when Nicholas insisted on the Duma's functions be relegated to an advisory position.<ref>{{cite book |last = Sixsmith |first = Martin |title = Russia: A 1,000 Year Chronicle of the Wild East |publisher = The Overlook Press, Peter Mayer Publishers, Inc. |location = New York |isbn = 978-1-4683-0501-2 |page = 171 |date = 31 December 2013 }}</ref> The October Manifesto, aside from granting the population the freedom of speech and assembly, proclaimed that no law would be passed without examination and approval by the [[Imperial Duma]]. The Manifesto also extended the suffrage to universal proportions, allowing for greater participation in the Duma, though the electoral law on 11 December still excluded women. Nevertheless, the tsar retained the power of veto.<ref name="ReferenceA">Nader Sohrabi, ''Historicizing Revolutions'', p. 1425</ref>

Propositions for restrictions to the Duma's legislative powers remained persistent. A decree on 20 February 1906 transformed the [[State Council of Imperial Russia|State Council]], the advisory body, into a second chamber with legislative powers "equal to those of the Duma".<ref name="ReferenceA"/> Not only did this transformation violate the Manifesto, but the Council became a buffer zone between the tsar and Duma, slowing whatever progress the latter could achieve. Even three days before the Duma's first session, on 24 April 1906, the [[Russian Constitution of 1906|Fundamental Laws]] further limited the assembly's movement by giving the tsar the sole power to appoint/dismiss ministers.<ref>Nader Sohrabi, ''Historicizing Revolutions'', p. 1426</ref> Adding insult was the indication that the Tsar alone had control over many facets of political reins&mdash;all without the Duma's expressed permission. The trap seemed perfectly set for the unsuspecting Duma: by the time the assembly convened in 27 April, it quickly found itself unable to do much without violating the Fundamental Laws. Defeated and frustrated, the majority of the assembly voted no confidence and handed in their resignations after a few weeks on 13 May.<ref name="ReferenceB">Nader Sohrabi, ''Historicizing Revolutions'', p. 1427</ref>

[[File:Поляков - Тронная речь Николая II во время открытия I государственной думы в Зимнем дворце.jpg|thumb|Speech by Emperor Nicholas II on the opening of the [[First State Duma]] of the Russian Empire, 27 April 1906]]
The attacks on the Duma were not confined to its legislative powers. By the time the Duma opened, it was missing crucial support from its populace, thanks in no small part to the government's return to Pre-Manifesto levels of suppression. The Soviets were forced to lay low for a long time, while the [[zemstvos]] turned against the Duma when the issue of land appropriation came up. The issue of land appropriation was the most contentious of the Duma's appeals. The Duma proposed that the government distribute its treasury, "monastic and imperial lands", and seize private estates as well.<ref name="ReferenceB"/> The Duma, in fact, was preparing to alienate some of its more affluent supporters, a decision that left the assembly without the necessary political power to be efficient.{{cn|date=November 2024}}

Nicholas II remained wary of having to share power with reform-minded bureaucrats. When the pendulum in 1906 elections swung to the left, Nicholas immediately ordered the Duma's dissolution just after 73 days.<ref>Martin Sixsmith, ''Russia: A 1,000 Year Chronicle of the Wild East'', p. 173</ref> Hoping to further squeeze the life out of the assembly, he appointed a tougher prime minister in [[Petr Stolypin]] as the liberal Witte's replacement. Much to Nicholas's chagrin, Stolypin attempted to bring about acts of reform (land reform), while retaining measures favorable to the regime (stepping up the number of executions of revolutionaries). After the revolution subsided, he was able to bring economic growth back to Russia's industries, a period which lasted until 1914. But Stolypin's efforts did nothing to prevent the collapse of the monarchy, nor seemed to satisfy the conservatives. Stolypin died from a bullet wound, fired by a revolutionary, [[Dmitry Bogrov]], on 5 September 1911.<ref>Martin Sixsmith, ''Russia: A 1,000 Year Chronicle of the Wild East'', p. 174</ref>

===October Manifesto===

Even after Bloody Sunday and defeat in the Russo-Japanese War, Nicholas II had been slow to offer a meaningful solution to the social and political crisis.  At this point, he became more concerned with his personal affairs such as the illness of his son, whose struggle with [[haemophilia]] was overseen by [[Rasputin]]. Nicholas also refused to believe that the population was demanding changes in the autocratic regime, seeing "public opinion" as mainly the "intelligentsia"<ref name="Martin Sixsmith p. 171">Martin Sixsmith, ''Russia: A 1,000 Year Chronicle of the Wild East'', p. 171</ref> and believing himself to be the patronly 'father figure' to the Russian people. [[Sergei Witte]], the minister of Russia, frustratedly argued with the Tsar that an immediate implementation of reforms was needed to retain order in the country. It was only after the Revolution started picking up steam that Nicholas was forced to make concessions by writing the October Manifesto.{{cn|date=November 2024}}

Issued on 17 October 1905, the Manifesto stated that the government would grant the population reforms such as the right to vote and to convene in assemblies. Its main provisions were:
# The granting of the population "inviolable personal rights" including freedom of conscience, speech, and assemblage
# Giving the population who were previously cut off from doing so participation in the newly formed Duma
# Ensuring that no law would be passed without the consent of the Imperial Duma.<ref name="Martin Sixsmith p. 171"/>

Despite what seemed to be a moment for celebration for Russia's population and the reformists, the Manifesto was rife with problems. Aside from the absence of the word "constitution", one issue with the manifesto was its timing. By October 1905, Nicholas was already dealing with a revolution. Another problem surfaced in the conscience of Nicholas himself: Witte said in 1911 that the manifesto was written only to get the pressure off the monarch's back, that it was not a "voluntary act".<ref>{{cite journal |last = Kropotkin |first = G. M. |date = Spring 2008 |title = The Ruling Bureaucracy and the 'New Order' of Russian Statehood After the Manifesto of 17 October 1905 |journal = Russian Studies in History|volume = 46 |issue = 4 |pages = 6–33 |doi = 10.2753/RSH1061-1983460401 |s2cid = 154943318 }}</ref> In fact, the writers hoped that the Manifesto would sow discord into "the camp of the autocracy's enemies" and bring order back to Russia.<ref>G. M. Kropotkin, ''The Ruling Bureaucracy and the "New Order" of Russian Statehood'', p. 9</ref>

One immediate effect it did have, for a while, was the start of the Days of Freedom, a six-week period from 17 October to early December. This period witnessed an unprecedented level of freedom on all publications—revolutionary papers, brochures, etc.—even though the tsar officially retained the power to censor provocative material. This opportunity allowed the press to address the tsar, and government officials, in a harsh, critical tone previously unheard of. The freedom of speech also opened the floodgates for meetings and organised political parties. In Moscow alone, over 400 meetings took place in the first four weeks. Some of the political parties that came out of these meetings were the [[Constitutional Democrats]] (Kadets), [[Russian Social Democratic Labour Party|Social Democrats]], [[Socialist Revolutionaries]], [[Octobrists]], and the far-rightist [[Union of the Russian People]].<ref>Nader Sohrabi, ''Historicizing Revolutions'', p. 1407</ref>

Among all the groups that benefited most from the Days of Freedoms were the labour unions. In fact, the Days of Freedom witnessed unionisation in the history of the Russian Empire at its apex. At least 67 unions were established in Moscow, as well as 58 in St. Petersburg; the majority of both combined were formed in November 1905 alone. For the [[Soviet (council)|Soviets]], it was a watershed period of time: nearly 50 of the unions in St. Petersburg came under Soviet control, while in Moscow, the Soviets had around 80,000 members. This large sector of power allowed the Soviets enough clout to form their own militias. In St. Petersburg alone, the Soviets claimed around 6,000 armed members with the purpose of protecting the meetings.<ref>Nader Sohrabi, ''Historicizing Revolutions'', pp. 1407–1408</ref>

Perhaps empowered in their newfound window of opportunity, the St. Petersburg Soviets, along with other socialist parties, called for armed struggles against the Tsarist government, a war call that no doubt alarmed the government. Not only were the workers motivated, but the Days of Freedom also had an earthquake-like effect on the peasant collective as well. Seeing an opening in the autocracy's waning authority thanks to the Manifesto, the peasants, with a political organisation, took to the streets in revolt. In response, the government exerted its forces in campaigns to subdue and repress both the peasants and the workers. Consequences were now in full force: with a pretext in their hands, the government spent the month of December 1905 regaining the level of authority once lost to [[Bloody Sunday (1905)|Bloody Sunday]].<ref>Nader Sohrabi, ''Historicizing Revolutions'', p. 1409</ref>

Ironically, the writers of the October Manifesto were caught off guard by the surge in revolts. One of the main reasons for writing the October Manifesto bordered on the government's "fear of the revolutionary movement".<ref name="G.M. Kropotkin pages 23">G. M. Kropotkin, ''The Ruling Bureaucracy and the "New Order" of Russian Statehood'', p. 23</ref> In fact, many officials believed this fear was practically the sole reason for the Manifesto's creation in the first place. Among those more scared was [[Dmitri Feodorovich Trepov]], governor general of [[St. Petersburg]] and deputy minister of the interior. Trepov urged Nicholas II to stick to the principles in the Manifesto, for "every retreat&nbsp;... would be hazardous to the dynasty".<ref name="G.M. Kropotkin pages 23"/>

===Russian Constitution of 1906===
The [[Russian Constitution of 1906]] was published on the eve of the convocation of the First Duma. The new Fundamental Law was enacted to institute promises of the October Manifesto as well as add new reforms. The Tsar was confirmed as absolute leader, with complete control of the executive, foreign policy, church, and the armed forces. The structure of the Duma was changed, becoming a lower chamber below the Council of Ministers, and was half-elected, half-appointed by the Tsar. Legislations had to be approved by the Duma, the council, and the Tsar to become law. The Fundamental State Laws were the "culmination of the whole sequence of events set in motion in October 1905 and which consolidated the new ''status quo''". The introduction of The Russian Constitution of 1906 was not simply an institution of the October Manifesto. The introduction of the constitution states (and thus emphasizes) the following:
* The Russian State is one and indivisible.
* The [[Grand Duchy of Finland]], while comprising an inseparable part of the Russian State, is governed in its internal affairs by special decrees based on special legislation.
* The Russian language is the common language of the state, and its use is compulsory in the army, the navy and all state and public institutions. The use of local (regional) languages and dialects in state and public institutions are determined by special legislation.

The Constitution did not mention any of the provisions of the October Manifesto. While it did enact the provisions laid out previously, its sole purpose seems again to be the propaganda for the monarchy and to simply not fall back on prior promises. The provisions and the new constitutional monarchy did not satisfy Russians and Lenin. The Constitution lasted until the fall of the empire in 1917.{{cn|date=November 2024}}