Editing Niccolò Machiavelli (section)

== Beliefs ==
Amongst commentators, there are a few consistently made proposals concerning what was most new in Machiavelli's work.

=== Empiricism and realism versus idealism ===
Machiavelli is sometimes seen as the prototype of a modern empirical scientist, building generalizations from experience and historical facts, and emphasizing the uselessness of theorizing with the imagination.<ref name=Fischer/>

{{blockquote|He emancipated politics from theology and moral philosophy. He undertook to describe simply what rulers actually did and thus anticipated what was later called the scientific spirit in which questions of good and bad are ignored, and the observer attempts to discover only what really happens.|Joshua Kaplan, 2005<ref name=twsC11r44fzf>{{cite news|author=Joshua Kaplan|title=Political Theory: The Classic Texts and their Continuing Relevance|publisher=The Modern Scholar|quote=14 lectures in the series; (lectures #7) – see disc 4|year=2005}}</ref>}}

Machiavelli felt that his early schooling along the lines of traditional classical education was essentially useless for the purpose of understanding politics. Nevertheless, he advocated intensive study of the past, particularly regarding the founding of a city, which he felt was a key to understanding its later development.<ref name=twsC11r44fzf/> Moreover, he studied the way people lived and aimed to inform leaders how they should rule and even how they themselves should live. Machiavelli denies the classical opinion that living virtuously always leads to happiness. For example, Machiavelli viewed misery as "one of the vices that enables a prince to rule."<ref>Leo Strauss, Joseph Cropsey, ''History of Political Philosophy'' (1987), p. 300.</ref> Machiavelli stated that "it would be best to be both loved and feared. But since the two rarely come together, anyone compelled to choose will find greater security in being feared than in being loved."<ref>Niccolò Machiavelli, ''The Prince'', Chap 17.</ref> In much of Machiavelli's work, he often states that the ruler must adopt unsavoury policies for the sake of the continuance of his regime. Because cruelty and fraud play such important roles in his politics, it is not unusual for certain issues (such as murder and betrayal) to be commonplace within his works.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.iep.utm.edu/machiave/|title=Niccolò Machiavelli, The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy|last=|first=|date=|website=|archive-url=|archive-date=|access-date=}}</ref>

A related and more controversial proposal often made is that he described how to do things in politics in a way which seemed neutral concerning who used the advice{{snd}}tyrants or good rulers.<ref name=Fischer/> That Machiavelli strove for realism is not doubted, but for four centuries scholars have debated how best to describe his morality. ''The Prince'' made the word ''Machiavellian'' a byword for deceit, despotism, and political manipulation. [[Leo Strauss]] declared himself inclined toward the traditional view that Machiavelli was self-consciously a "teacher of evil", since he counsels the princes to avoid the values of justice, mercy, temperance, wisdom, and love of their people in preference to the use of cruelty, violence, fear, and deception.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oi2GDwAAQBAJ&q=leo+strauss|title=Thoughts on Machiavelli|last=Strauss|first=Leo|year= 2014|publisher=University of Chicago Press|isbn=978-0226230979|language=en}}</ref> Strauss takes up this opinion because he asserted that failure to accept the traditional opinion misses the "intrepidity of his thought" and "the graceful subtlety of his speech".<ref>{{Cite book |last=Strauss |first=Leo |url=http://archive.org/details/LeoStraussThoughtsOnMachiavelli_201411 |title=Leo Strauss "Thoughts On Machiavelli" |page=9}}</ref> Italian [[anti-fascist]] philosopher [[Benedetto Croce]] (1925) concludes Machiavelli is simply a "realist" or "pragmatist" who accurately states that moral values, in reality, do not greatly affect the decisions that political leaders make.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Carritt |first=E. F. |url=http://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.123166 |title=Benedetto Croce My Philosophy |date=1949}}</ref> German philosopher [[Ernst Cassirer]] (1946) held that Machiavelli simply adopts the stance of a political scientist{{snd}}a [[Galileo]] of politics{{snd}}in distinguishing between the "facts" of political life and the "values" of moral judgment.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Cassirer |first=Ernst |title=The Myth of the State |date=1961-09-10 |publisher=Yale University Press |isbn=978-0-300-00036-8 |location=New Haven, Connecticut; London, England |pages=136 |language=English}}</ref> On the other hand, [[Walter Russell Mead]] has argued that ''The Prince''{{'}}s advice presupposes the importance of ideas like [[legitimacy (political)|legitimacy]] in making changes to the political system.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://blogs.the-american-interest.com/stratblog/2011/05/03/when-isms-go-to-war/|title=When Isms go to War {{!}} StratBlog|date=29 October 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20131029210725/http://blogs.the-american-interest.com/stratblog/2011/05/03/when-isms-go-to-war/|access-date=29 October 2019|archive-date=29 October 2013}}</ref>

=== Fortune ===
Machiavelli is generally seen as being critical of [[Christianity]] as it existed in his time, specifically its effect upon politics and humanity in general.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Machiavelli |first=Niccolò |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Km5itjMehYUC&q=machiavelli |title=Discourses on Livy |publisher=University of Chicago Press |year=2009 |isbn=978-0226500331 |page=131 |language=en-us}}</ref> In his opinion, the Christianity that the Church had come to accept allowed practical decisions to be guided too much by imaginary ideals and encouraged people to lazily leave events up to providence or, as he would put it, chance, luck or fortune. Machiavelli took a radically different view, and opined that the pagan religion, given it's faults, was preferable to Christianity as it championed martial warfare.<ref>Discourses on Livy, Book II chap. 2</ref> Machiavelli's own concept of virtue, which he calls "virtù", is original and is usually seen by scholars as different from the traditional viewpoints of other political philosophers.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Q4EULB2IM50C&q=machiavelli's+virtue+mansfield|title=Machiavelli's Virtue|last=Mansfield|first=Harvey C.|date=1998-02-25|publisher=University of Chicago Press|isbn=9780226503721|language=en}}</ref> Virtù can consist of any quality at the moment that helps a ruler maintain his state, even being ready to engage in necessary evil when it is advantageous.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yCsxDwAAQBAJ&q=citizen+machiavelli|title=Citizen Machiavelli|last=Hulliung|first=Mark|date=2017-07-05|publisher=Routledge|isbn=9781351528481|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GF6X2ow__MgC&dq=virt%C3%B9%20in%20a%20prince.%20Hitherto%2C%20as%20we%20have%20seen%2C%20it%20had%20generally%20been%20assumed%20that%20the%20possession%20of%20virt%C3%B9%20could%20be%20equated%20with%20the%20possession%20of%20all%20the%20major%20virtues.%20With%20Machiavelli%2C%20by%20contrast%2C%20the%20concept%20of%20virt%C3%B9%20is%20simply%20.&pg=PA138 | title=The Foundations of Modern Political Thought: Volume 1, the Renaissance | isbn=978-0-521-29337-2 | last1=Skinner | first1=Quentin | date=30 November 1978 | publisher=Cambridge University Press }}</ref><ref>Skinner, Q. (2017). Machiavelli and the misunderstanding of princely virtù. Machiavelli on Liberty and Conflict, 139-163.</ref> Harvey {{Harvtxt|Mansfield|1995|p=74}} wrote of Machiavelli's followers that: "In attempting other, more regular and scientific modes of overcoming fortune, Machiavelli's successors formalized and emasculated his notion of virtue." Mansfield describes Machiavelli's usage of ''virtù'' as a "compromise with evil".<ref>{{Cite book |last=Mansfield |first=Harvey C. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Q4EULB2IM50C&dq=machiavelli's%20virtue&pg=PA233 |title=Machiavelli's Virtue |date=1998-02-25 |publisher=University of Chicago Press |isbn=978-0-226-50372-1 |pages=233 |language=en-us}}</ref> Mansfield however argues that Machiavelli's own aims have not been shared by those he influenced. Machiavelli argued against seeing mere peace and economic growth as worthy aims on their own if they would lead to what Mansfield calls the "taming of the prince".<ref>{{Harvtxt|Mansfield|1993}}</ref>

Najemy has argued that this same approach can be found in Machiavelli's approach to love and desire, as seen in his comedies and correspondence. Najemy shows how Machiavelli's friend Vettori argued against Machiavelli and cited a more traditional understanding of fortune.{{sfn|Najemy|1993|p=203-204}}

Cary Nederman says of Machiavelli's use of ''fortuna'' that: "Machiavelli’s remarks point toward several salient conclusions about Fortuna and her place in his intellectual universe. Throughout his corpus, Fortuna is depicted as a primal source of violence (especially as directed against humanity) and as antithetical to reason. Thus, Machiavelli realizes that only preparation to pose an extreme response to the vicissitudes of Fortuna will ensure victory against her. This is what virtù provides: the ability to respond to fortune at any time and in any way that is necessary."<ref>{{cite book | chapter-url=https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/machiavelli/ | title=The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy | chapter=Niccolò Machiavelli | date=2025 | publisher=Metaphysics Research Lab, Stanford University }}</ref>

Strauss concludes his 1958 book ''[[Thoughts on Machiavelli]]'' by proposing that "The difficulty implied in the admission that inventions pertaining to the art of war must be encouraged is the only one which supplies a basis for Machiavelli’s criticism of classical political philosophy." and that this shows that classical-minded men "had to admit in other words that in an important respect the good city has to take its bearings by the practice of bad cities or that the bad impose their law on the good".{{Harvtxt|Strauss|1958|pp=298–299}}

===Religion===

Machiavelli shows repeatedly that he saw religion as man-made, and that the value of religion lies in its contribution to social order and the rules of morality must be dispensed with if security requires it.<ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Km5itjMehYUC&q=discourses+on+livy|title=Discourses on Livy, Book 1, Chapter 11–15|last=Machiavelli|first=Niccolò|year= 2009|publisher=University of Chicago Press|isbn=978-0226500331|language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ehzOd8DVlNkC&q=the+prince+mansfield|title=The Prince: Second Edition|last=Machiavelli|first=Niccolò|year= 2010|publisher=University of Chicago Press|isbn=978-0226500508|pages=69–71|language=en}}</ref> In ''The Prince'', the ''Discourses'' and in the ''[[Life of Castruccio Castracani]]'' he describes "prophets", as he calls them, like [[Moses]], [[Romulus]], [[Cyrus the Great]] and [[Theseus]] as the greatest of new princes, the glorious and brutal founders of the most novel innovations in politics, and men whom Machiavelli assures us have always used armed force, being willing to kill those who did not ultimately agree with their vision.<ref>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=M3pxBAAAQBAJ&dq=Romulus%2C%20Theseus%20%E2%80%93%20%E2%80%9Cand%20the%20like.%E2%80%9D%20These%20founders%20are%20not%20just%20princes%3B%20Machiavelli%20calls%20them%20%E2%80%9Cprophets.%E2%80%9D%20They%20are%20the%20bring-%20ers%20of%20God%20or%20the%20gods%3B%20they%20are%20the%20founders%20of%20new%20religions%20at%20the%20same%20time%20as%20new%20political%20orders%20...&pg=PA207 | title=The Key Texts of Political Philosophy | isbn=978-1-107-00607-2 | last1=Pangle | first1=Thomas L. | last2=Burns | first2=Timothy W. | date=2015 | publisher=Cambridge University Press }}</ref><ref>Especially in the ''Discourses'' III.30, but also ''The Prince'' Chap.VI</ref> He estimated that these sects last from 1,666 to 3,000 years each time, which, as pointed out by Leo Strauss, would mean that Christianity became due to start finishing about 150 years after Machiavelli.<ref>{{Harvtxt|Strauss|1987|p=314}}</ref> Machiavelli's concern with Christianity as a religion was that it made the Italians of his day "weak and effeminate", delivering politics into the hands of cruel and wicked men without a fight, as well as celebrated humility and otherworldly things, instead of being focused on the tangible world.<ref>See for example {{Harvtxt|Strauss|1958|p=206}}.</ref> While Machiavelli's own religious allegiance has been debated, it is assumed that he had a low regard of contemporary Christianity.<ref>Parsons, W. B. (2016). Machiavelli's gospel: The critique of Christianity in the prince. Boydell & Brewer.</ref>

While fear of [[God]] can be replaced by fear of the prince, if there is a strong enough prince, Machiavelli felt that having a religion is in any case especially essential to keeping a republic in order.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Vavouras |first1=Elias |last2=Theodosiadis |first2=Michail |date=October 2024 |title=The Concept of Religion in Machiavelli: Political Methodology, Propaganda and Ideological Enlightenment |journal=Religions |language=en |volume=15 |issue=10 |pages=1203 |doi=10.3390/rel15101203 |doi-access=free |issn=2077-1444}}</ref> For Machiavelli, a truly great prince can never be conventionally religious himself, but he should make his people religious if he can. According to {{Harvtxt|Strauss|1958|pp=226–227}} he was not the first person to explain religion in this way, but his description of religion was novel because of the way he integrated this into his general account of princes.

Machiavelli's judgment that governments need religion for practical political reasons was widespread among modern proponents of republics until approximately the time of the [[French Revolution]]. This, therefore, represents a point of disagreement between Machiavelli and late modernity.<ref>{{Harvtxt|Strauss|1958|p=231}}</ref>

===Terminology=== 

'''Stato'''

Another term of Machiavelli's that scholars debate over is his use of the word ''stato'' (literally translated as "state"). Whenever he uses the word, it usually refers to a regime's political command to which a leader takes a hold of, and rules over himself.<ref>{{cite journal | url=https://doi.org/10.2307/2857143 | doi=10.2307/2857143 | jstor=2857143 | title=Il principe and lo stato | last1=Hexter | first1=J. H. | journal=Studies in the Renaissance | date=1957 | volume=4 | pages=113–138 }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal | url=https://doi.org/10.2307/1957561 | doi=10.2307/1957561 | jstor=1957561 | title=On the Impersonality of the Modern State: A Comment on Machiavelli's Use of Stato | last1=Mansfield | first1=Harvey C. | journal=The American Political Science Review | date=1983 | volume=77 | issue=4 | pages=849–857 }}</ref> Generally he believes that in all states, there exists two humors, that of the great, who wish to rule and oppress others, and that of the people, who do not seek to oppress.<ref>{{cite web | url=https://aeon.co/essays/the-prince-of-the-people-machiavelli-was-no-machiavellian | title=The prince of the people: Machiavelli was no 'Machiavellian' &#124; Aeon Essays }}</ref> Glory plays a central role in Machiavelli’s political thought, drawing heavily on the Roman ideal of gloria, which emphasized public recognition for one's achievements, especially in warfare or public service.<ref>{{cite web | url=https://iep.utm.edu/machiave/ | title=Machiavelli, Niccolò &#124; Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal | url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/26226962 | jstor=26226962 | title=Machiavelli's Inglorious Tyrants: On Agathocles, Scipio and Unmerited Glory | last1=McCormick | first1=John P. | journal=History of Political Thought | date=2015 | volume=36 | issue=1 | pages=29–52 }}</ref>

'''Republicanism'''

The majority of scholars have taken into account Machiavelli's admiration of, and recommendations to republics, and his contribution to republican theory. Machiavelli gives lengthy advice for republics in how they can best protect their liberties, and how they can avoid those who would ultimately usurp legitimate authority.<ref>{{cite web | url=https://theconversation.com/500-years-ago-machiavelli-warned-the-public-not-to-get-complacent-in-the-face-of-self-interested-charismatic-figures-226434 | title=500 years ago, Machiavelli warned the public not to get complacent in the face of self-interested charismatic figures | date=5 June 2024 }}</ref> Even in this, commentators have no consensus as to the exact nature of his republicanism. For example, the "Cambridge School" of interpretation holds Machiavelli to be a civic humanist and classical republican who viewed that the highest quality of republican virtue is self-sacrifice for the common good.<ref>Pocock, J. G. A. The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975.
</ref> However this opinion has been contested by scholars who believe that Machiavelli has a radically modern view of republics, accepting and unleashing the self interest of those who rule.<ref>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_6uGCnKH6aAC&dq=Renaissance%20Civic%20Humanism%3A%20Reappraisals%20and%20Reflections%2C%202000%20(ed.)&pg=PA12 | title=Renaissance Civic Humanism: Reappraisals and Reflections | isbn=978-0-521-54807-6 | last1=Hankins | first1=James | date=2000 | publisher=Cambridge University Press }}</ref><ref>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=I9t_0R0KI4wC&dq=spirit%20of%20modern%20republicanism&pg=PA52 | title=The Spirit of Modern Republicanism: The Moral Vision of the American Founders and the Philosophy of Locke | isbn=978-0-226-64547-6 | last1=Pangle | first1=Thomas L. | date=15 October 1990 | publisher=University of Chicago Press }}</ref> Some scholars have even asserted that the goal of his ideal republic does not differ greatly from his principality, as both rely on rather ruthless measures for conquest and empire.<ref>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yCsxDwAAQBAJ&q=citizen+machiavelli | title=Citizen Machiavelli | isbn=978-1-351-52848-1 | last1=Hulliung | first1=Mark | date=5 July 2017 | publisher=Routledge }}</ref><ref>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wLY2tlPZqvsC&q=hornqvist+empire | title=Machiavelli and Empire | isbn=978-1-139-45634-0 | last1=Hörnqvist | first1=Mikael | date=25 November 2004 | publisher=Cambridge University Press }}</ref>