Editing Michael Collins (Irish leader) (section)

==Northern Ireland==
[[File:Ireland.svg|thumb|A map of Ireland showing the border between Northern Ireland and the Irish Free State]]
Since June 1920, [[The Troubles (1920–1922)|communal conflict had been raging]] in north-east [[Ulster]] between the [[Ulster Protestants|Protestant]] [[Unionism in Ireland|unionist]] majority there, who wanted to remain part of the UK, and the [[Irish Catholics|Catholic]] Irish nationalist minority, who backed Irish independence. [[Belfast]] saw "savage and unprecedented" sectarian violence.<ref>{{cite book |last=Lynch |first=Robert |title=The Partition of Ireland: 1918–1925 |date=2019 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |pages=90–92}}</ref> Protestant [[Ulster loyalism|loyalists]] attacked the Catholic community in retaliation for IRA actions. More than 500 people were killed, more than 8,000 workers were driven out of their jobs, and more than 10,000 became refugees – mostly from the Catholic minority (see [[The Troubles in Ulster (1920–1922)]]).<ref>Lynch (2019), ''The Partition of Ireland'', pp.99–100</ref> After the death of Collins, his concern for the plight of northern Catholics was made clear by the Belfast IRA commander [[Seamus Woods]] "Of all the Dublin government ministers, Collins had been most deeply concerned about the fate of northern Catholics."<ref>Moore, Cormac, (2009), ''Birth of the Border'', Merrion Press, Newbridge, pg 76, ISBN 9781785372933</ref> In May 1921, Ireland was [[Partition of Ireland|partitioned]] under British law, creating Northern Ireland, and unionists formed a [[Government of Northern Ireland (1921–1972)|Northern government]]. In early 1922, there were clashes along the new border between the IRA on the Southern side and [[Ulster Special Constabulary]] (USC) on the Northern side, as well as a resurgence of sectarian violence in Belfast.

Collins strongly opposed partition, but he was ambiguous about his policy for undoing it. On one hand, he told the Dáil during the Treaty debates: "We have stated we would not coerce the North-East … Surely we recognise that the North-East corner does exist … The Treaty has made an effort to deal with it … on lines that will lead very rapidly to goodwill, and the entry of the North-East under the Irish Parliament".<ref name="oireachtas.ie"/> The pro-Treaty side argued that the proposed Irish Boundary Commission would give large swathes of Northern Ireland to the Free State, leaving the remaining territory too small to be economically viable.<ref>Knirck, Jason. ''Imagining Ireland's Independence: The Debates Over the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921''. Rowman & Littlefield, 2006. p.104</ref>

However, in private Collins told the northern divisions of the IRA, early in 1922 that, "although the Treaty might have seemed an outward expression of partition, the [Irish] Government plans to make it impossible … Partition would never be recognised, even if it meant smashing the Treaty".<ref>Donnacha O Beachain, ''From Partition to Brexit, The Irish Government and Northern Ireland'', 2019, p. 13</ref> In January 1922, six months after the ceasefire (truce), Collins helped to form an 'Ulster Council' within the IRA, which included the commanders of its five northern divisions, to co-ordinate IRA activity in the North.<ref name="Moore">Moore, Cormac. [https://www.irishnews.com/arts/2022/05/25/news/partition-at-100-ira-s-northern-offensive-of-may-1922-was-doomed-to-disastrous-failure-2717554/ "Partition at 100: IRA's Northern Offensive of May 1922 was doomed to disastrous failure"]. ''[[The Irish News]]'', 25 May 2022.</ref> Collins' Provisional Government also funded Northern county councils and paid the salaries of teachers in Northern Ireland who recognised the Free State.

In March, Collins met [[Sir James Craig]], Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, in London. They signed an agreement declaring peace in the North, which promised cooperation between Catholics and Protestants in policing and security, and a generous budget for restoring Catholics to homes which had been destroyed. To some northern Republicans Collins had formally recognized partition and had done so without consulting them.<ref>McDermott, Jim (2001), ''Northern Divisions The Old IRA and the Belfast Pogroms 1920-22'', BTP Publications, Belfast, pg 160, ISBN 1-900960-11-7</ref> The day after the agreement was published, violence erupted again in the [[Arnon Street killings]]. A policeman was shot dead in Belfast and in reprisal, police broke into Catholic homes nearby and shot residents in their beds, including children (see [[McMahon killings]]). There was no response to Collins' demands for an inquiry. He and his Cabinet warned that they would deem the agreement broken unless Craig took action.<ref>MC official correspondence, 5 and 10 April 1922</ref> In his continual correspondence with Churchill over violence in the North, Collins protested repeatedly that such breaches of the truce threatened to invalidate the Treaty entirely.<ref>Michael Collins letter to Churchill 6 June 1922</ref> The prospect was real enough that on 3 June 1922 Churchill presented to the Committee of Imperial Defence his plans "to protect Ulster from invasion by the South".<ref>British Cabinet minutes 16/42 Public Records Office, London</ref>

In spring 1922, Collins, along with other IRB and IRA leaders, developed secret plans for a guerrilla offensive in Northern Ireland.<ref name="Coleman110">Coleman, ''The Irish Revolution'', pp.110–111</ref><ref name="McMahon143">McMahon, Paul (2008). ''British Spies and Irish Rebels: British Intelligence and Ireland, 1916-1945''. Boydell & Brewer, p.143</ref><ref name="Moore"/> It was to involve ''both'' pro- and anti-Treaty IRA units. Collins hoped the offensive would undermine the Northern Ireland government and unite the pro- and anti-treaty IRA in a shared goal.<ref name="Coleman110"/> Collins and National Army GHQ secretly supplied weaponry and equipment for the offensive, and some British arms that had been supplied to the Provisional Government were passed on to the IRA.<ref name="Coleman110"/><ref name="McMahon143"/> Because of this, most northern IRA units supported Collins and 524 individual volunteers came south to join the National Army in the Irish Civil War.

The offensive was to begin on 2 May 1922, but most of the IRA divisions had to postpone until later in the month.<ref name="Moore"/> The 1st, 4th and 5th divisions, based in Southern territory, did not take part.<ref name="theirishstory.com">{{Cite web |url=https://www.theirishstory.com/2019/08/12/michael-collins-northern-ireland-and-the-northern-offensive-may-1922/#.Xl0rwPTgrIV |title=Patrick Concannon, Michael Collins, Northern Ireland and the Northern Offensive, May 1922, The Irish Story August 2019. Accessed March 2020 |access-date=2 March 2020 |archive-date=23 December 2019 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191223205244/https://www.theirishstory.com/2019/08/12/michael-collins-northern-ireland-and-the-northern-offensive-may-1922/#.Xl0rwPTgrIV |url-status=live }}</ref> This, and the staggered start to the offensive, made it easier for the Northern authorities to tackle.<ref name="Moore"/> The Northern government launched a massive security crackdown and introduced [[internment]], which would cripple the IRA in Northern Ireland.<ref name="McMahon151">McMahon, ''British Spies and Irish Rebels'', p.151</ref> The offensive saw the [[The Troubles (1920–1922)#Battle of Pettigo and Belleek|Battle of Pettigo and Belleek]] in early June, which ended with British troops shelling IRA positions on the border. Collins chided pro-Treaty IRA units who became embroiled in the fighting<ref name="theirishstory.com"/> and the Provisional Government issued an order that their policy was "peaceful obstruction … and no troops from the twenty- six counties either official or attached to the executive [anti-Treaty] should be permitted to invade the six county area".<ref name="theirishstory.com"/>

However, in early August Collins wrote to [[W. T. Cosgrave|Cosgrave]]: "I am forced to the conclusion that we may yet have to fight the British in the north-east". At the same time he told northern IRA officers he would "use the political arm against Craig so long as it is of use. If that fails, the treaty can go to hell and we will all start again".<ref>{{cite book |last1=Mansergh |first1=Martin |title=The Legacy of History: For Making Peace in Ireland – Lectures and Commemorative Addresses |date=2003 |publisher=Dufour Editions |page=274}}</ref>

After the death of Collins, aid from the Provisional Government to the northern IRA was cut off. Belfast Brigade (IRA) leader [[Roger McCorley]] stated: "When Collins was killed the northern element [of the IRA] gave up all hope".<ref>McDermott, pg 266.</ref>