Editing Irish Republic (section)

==Recognition==
Efforts by President de Valera in the United States and by the Republic's "ambassador" at the [[Versailles Peace Conference]], [[Seán T. O'Kelly]], to win international recognition failed. O'Kelly had already established the Republic's "embassy" in Paris in April 1919, and Dr. [[Patrick McCartan]] set one up in Washington, D.C. at the same time. Despite heavy lobbying from prominent Irish-Americans, President [[Woodrow Wilson]] refused to raise the Irish case at the conference as he did not want to antagonise the British. Finally in June "Ireland's demand for recognition" was conveyed to [[Georges Clemenceau]], the Conference Chairman, without effect.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://difp.ie/viewdoc.asp?DocID=13 |title=Official Memorandum in support of Ireland's demand for recognition as a sovereign independent state. Presented to Georges Clemenceau and the members of the Paris Peace Conference by Sean T O'Ceallaigh and George Gavan Duffy from O Ceallaigh Gavan Duffy to George Clemenceau - June 1919. - Documents on IRISH FOREIGN POLICY |access-date=14 June 2007 |archive-date=18 November 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171118225222/http://difp.ie/viewdoc.asp?DocID=13 |url-status=live }}</ref>

In June 1920, a "Draft Treaty between the new [[Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic|Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic]] and the Republic of Ireland" was circulated in Dublin. [[E. H. Carr]], the historian of early [[Bolshevik|Bolshevism]], considered that "''… the negotiations were not taken very seriously on either side.''"<ref>Carr, EH ''The Bolshevik Revolution 1917–23, vol 3'' Penguin Books, London, 4th reprint (1983), pp. 257–258. The draft treaty was published for propaganda purposes in the 1921 British document ''Intercourse between Bolshevism and Sinn Fein'' ([[Command paper|Cmd]] 1326).</ref>

The issue of recognition raises the question of how much the new Dáil, particularly de Valera, fully appreciated the developing relationship between the victorious powers following the war. Wilson had promised [[self-determination]] for nations and international norms were changing. Article V. of Wilson's '[[Fourteen Points]]' outlined in January 1918 did not, however, promise that all colonies would be decolonised on demand at the end of the war, but that a colonial population's claim for arbitration would have "equal weight" with any claim by its government. In declaring independence unilaterally for the whole island, the new republic had denied "equal weight" to the wishes of Britain or the Irish loyalists. Having misunderstood or misread this part of Wilson's formula, the Dáil still required his support against his main ally.

The obvious problem was that the Irish Republic's Declaration of Independence of January 1919 was hostile to Britain, which was one of the four main powers arranging terms at Versailles. The [[Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic|RSFSR]] was also not invited to Versailles. Although armistices were holding, World War I was technically unfinished until the treaties ending it were signed, starting with Germany on 28 June 1919. The British view was that the 69 new [[Sinn Féin]] members of parliament had chosen not to take their seats at Westminster (to the relief of the [[Conservative Party (UK)|Conservative Party]]), and that an Irish settlement would be arranged after the more important treaties with the former [[Central Powers]] had been signed off, involving Sinn Féin as the representatives of the majority, whether or not it had proclaimed a republic.

The Irish Republic was never recognised by the British government. Because its original contents were not seen as workable, the government under [[David Lloyd George]] abandoned plans to amend the [[Government of Ireland Act 1914|Third Home Rule Act]] enacted in 1914, having called the [[Irish Convention]] in 1917–18. The British cabinet started in September 1919 to work from [[Walter Long, 1st Viscount Long|Walter Long]]'s 1918 proposals, and in December 1920 they enacted the Government of Ireland Act 1920. This allowed for two [[home rule]] Irelands, partitioning Ireland into [[Northern Ireland]] and [[Southern Ireland (1921–22)|Southern Ireland]]. Each Ireland was to have a two [[bicameral]] parliaments, with a shared chief executive, the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and a [[Council of Ireland]] which was intended to be an embryonic all-Ireland single parliament. The proposal was greeted with mild enthusiasm among Irish Unionists in the new Northern Ireland, who had never sought their own home rule, but was rejected by a combination of Irish Republicans, Irish Nationalists and Irish Unionists who were not in Northern Ireland. While rejecting the right of the British parliament to legislate for Ireland, [[Sinn Féin]] took the opportunity of the two general elections in May 1921, one in the north and one in the south, to seek a renewed mandate for the Republic. No contests resulted in the south, with all seats returning the nominated Sinn Féin candidate apart from Dublin University. The new Northern Ireland parliament in Belfast first sat on 7 June 1921 with a large Ulster Unionist majority and, while it did not formally recognise the Republic, its premier, Sir [[James Craig, 1st Viscount Craigavon|James Craig]], had secretly met with Éamon de Valera in Dublin in May 1921. This was a {{lang|la|de facto}} recognition of de Valera's position, but also recognition by de Valera that Craig could not be ignored.

The Truce signed between representatives of the Dáil and Britain was agreed on 9 July 1921, to become effective from noon on 11 July.<ref>Eamon de Valera and David Lloyd George http://www.ucc.ie/celt/online/E900003-007/text001.html {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303233105/http://www.ucc.ie/celt/online/E900003-007/text001.html |date=3 March 2016 }} ''Official Correspondence relating to the Peace Negotiations.''<br/>"PART 1. Preliminary Correspondence. 24 June–9 July 1921"</ref> This marked the end of the Irish War of Independence. On 14 July 1921 Éamon de Valera met David Lloyd George in London for the first time to find some common ground for a settlement. He had been invited as: "the chosen leader of the great majority in Southern Ireland", but tried to extend this to a British recognition of the republic.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.ucc.ie/celt/published/E900003-007/index.html |title=Official Correspondence relating to the Peace Negotiations June-September, 1921 |access-date=7 August 2008 |archive-date=23 June 2011 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110623122820/http://www.ucc.ie/celt/published/E900003-007/index.html |url-status=live }}</ref> Lloyd George made it clear to him, 'that the achievement of a republic through negotiation was impossible'.<ref>[[J. J. Lee (historian)|Lee, J.J.]]: ''Ireland 1912–1985 Politics and Society'' p. 47, Cambridge University Press (1989, 1990) {{ISBN|978-0-521-37741-6 }}</ref> In August, in preparation for the formalities, de Valera had the Dáil upgrade his status from prime minister to full President of the Republic. As a head of state he then accredited ''envoys plenipotentiary'', an accreditation approved by the Dáil. This accreditation gave them the legal ability to sign a treaty without waiting for approval from the Republic's cabinet, some of whose members were among the envoys. However, the British view was that they were not envoys, and they recognised them only as elected members of parliament representing those Irish people who wanted independence in one form or another.

By September, the British called for a conference with the envoys "''to ascertain how the association of Ireland with the community of nations known as the British Empire can best be reconciled with Irish national aspirations''". De Valera replied on 12 September "''Our nation has formally declared its independence and '''recognises itself''' as a sovereign State.''" The same invitation was repeated and negotiations started on 11 October.