Editing George McGovern (section)

==U.S. Senator==

===1962 election and early years as a senator===
In April 1962, McGovern announced he would [[1962 United States Senate election in South Dakota|run for election to South Dakota's other Senate seat]], intending to face incumbent Republican [[Francis H. Case]].<ref name="cby-266"/> Case died in June, and McGovern instead faced an appointed senator, former lieutenant governor [[Joseph H. Bottum]].<ref name="cby-266"/> Much of the campaign revolved around policies of the Kennedy administration and its [[New Frontier]];<ref name="cby-267">''Current Year Biography 1967'', p. 267.</ref> Bottum accused the Kennedy family of trying to buy the Senate seat.<ref name="nyt102062">{{cite news | url=https://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=F00F1FF73958137A93C2AB178BD95F468685F9 | title=McGovern Wages Uphill Battle in Senate Race in South Dakota | author=Janson, Donald | newspaper=[[The New York Times]] | date=October 20, 1962 | page=9}}</ref> McGovern appealed to those worried about the outflux of young people from the state, and had the strong support of the [[National Farmers Union (United States)|Farmers Union]].<ref name="nyt102062"/> Polls showed Bottum slightly ahead throughout the race, and McGovern was hampered by a recurrence of his hepatitis problem in the final weeks of the campaign.<ref name="nyt102062"/> (During this hospitalization, McGovern read [[Theodore H. White]]'s classic ''[[The Making of the President 1960]],'' and for the first time began thinking about running for the office someday.<ref name="white-1972-40"/>) Eleanor McGovern campaigned for her ailing husband and may have preserved his chance of winning.<ref>Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. ix, 125.</ref> The November 1962 election result was very close and required a recount, but McGovern's 127,458 votes prevailed by a margin of 597, making him the first Democratic senator from the state in 26 years<ref name="cby-267"/> and only the third since statehood in 1889.<ref name="nyt102062"/>

When he joined the Senate in January 1963 for the [[88th&nbsp;Congress]], McGovern was seated on the [[United States Senate Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry|Senate Agriculture and Forestry Committee]] and [[United States Senate Committee on Energy and Natural Resources|Senate Interior and Insular Affairs Committee]].<ref name="cby-267"/> On the Agriculture Committee, McGovern supported high farm prices, full parity, and controls on beef importation, as well as the administration's Feed Grains Acreage Diversion Program.<ref name="anson-135">Anson, ''McGovern'', p. 135.</ref> McGovern had a fractious relationship with Secretary of Agriculture [[Orville Freeman]], who was less sympathetic to farmers; McGovern's 1966 resolution to informally scold Freeman made the senator popular back in his home state.<ref name="anson-135"/> Fellow new senator [[Edward M. Kennedy]] saw McGovern as a serious voice on farm policy and often sought McGovern's guidance on agriculture-related votes.<ref>{{cite news |url= https://www.nytimes.com/2009/08/28/us/28senate.html |title=Senate Has Changed in Kennedy's Time |author=Stolberg, Sheryl Gay |newspaper=The New York Times |date=August 27, 2009}}</ref> McGovern was largely inactive on the Interior Committee until 1967, when he was given the chairmanship of the subcommittee on Indian affairs;<ref name="anson-144">Anson, McGovern, pp. 143–144.</ref> however, Interior Committee chairman [[Henry M. Jackson]], who did not get along with McGovern personally or politically, refused to allow McGovern his own staff, limiting his effectiveness.<ref name="anson-144"/> McGovern regretted not accomplishing more for South Dakota's 30,000 [[Sioux Indian]]s, although after a McGovern-introduced resolution on Indian self-determination passed in 1969, the [[Oglala Sioux]] named McGovern "Great White Eagle."<ref name="anson-144"/>

In his first speech on the Senate floor in March 1963, McGovern praised Kennedy's [[Alliance for Progress]] initiative but spoke out against [[Cuba – United States relations|U.S.&nbsp;policy toward Cuba]], saying that it suffered from "our Castro fixation".<ref name="cby-267"/> In August 1963 McGovern advocated reducing the $53&nbsp;billion [[Military budget of the United States|defense budget]] by $5 billion; influenced by advisor [[Seymour Melman]], he held a special antipathy toward the doctrine of [[Nuclear overkill|nuclear "overkill"]].<ref name="anson-130">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 129–131.</ref> McGovern would try to reduce defense appropriations or limit military expenditures in almost every year during the 1960s.<ref name="anson-133">Anson, ''McGovern'', p. 133.</ref> He also voted against many weapons programs, especially missile and antimissile systems, and also opposed military assistance to foreign nations.<ref name="anson-133" /> In 1964 McGovern published his first book, ''War Against Want: America's Food for Peace Program''.<ref name="cby-267"/> In it he argued for expanding his old program, and a Senate measure he introduced was eventually passed, adding $700&nbsp;million to the effort's funding.<ref>Anson, ''McGovern'', p. 136.</ref>

Preferring to concentrate on broad policy matters and speeches, McGovern was not a master of Senate legislative tactics, and he developed a reputation among some other senators for "not doing his homework".<ref name="nyt-mitn-72"/><ref name="anson-138">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 138–139.</ref> Described as "a very private, unchummy guy", he was not a member of the Senate "club" nor did he want to be, turning down in 1969 a chance to join the powerful [[Senate Rules Committee]].<ref name="nyt-mitn-72"/><ref name="anson-138"/> Relatively few pieces of legislation bore his name, and his legislative accomplishments were generally viewed as modest, although he would try to influence the contents of others' bills.<ref name="nyt-record"/><ref name="anson-138"/> In his political beliefs, McGovern fit squarely within [[modern American liberalism]]; through 1967 he had voted in accordance with the rated positions of the ADA 92&nbsp;percent of the time, and when lacking specific knowledge on a particular matter, he would ask his staff, "What are the liberals doing?"<ref name="nyt-prof-1968"/><ref name="nyt-record"/><ref>Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 139–141.</ref>

===Opposition to Vietnam War===
[[File:George McGovern Vietnam trip Nov 1965.jpg|thumb|right|Senator McGovern on his first trip to [[South Vietnam]], November 1965]]
In a speech on the Senate floor in September 1963, McGovern became the first member to challenge the [[Role of the United States in the Vietnam War#Under the Kennedy Administration|growing U.S.&nbsp;military involvement in Vietnam]].<ref name="anson-150"/><ref name="weil-16">Weil, ''The Long Shot'', pp. 16–17.</ref> Bothered by the [[Buddhist crisis]] and other recent developments, and with concerns influenced by Vietnam historian [[Bernard Fall]], McGovern said:
{{cquote|The current dilemma in Vietnam is a clear demonstration of the limitations of military power&nbsp;... [Current U.S. involvement] is a policy of moral debacle and political defeat&nbsp;... The trap we have fallen into there will haunt us in every corner of this revolutionary world if we do not properly appraise its lessons.<ref name="nyt-record"/><ref name="anson-150">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 149–151.</ref>}}

As the speech was little noticed, McGovern backed away from saying anything publicly for over a year afterward, partly because of the November 1963 [[assassination of President Kennedy]] and partly to not appear strident.<ref name="anson-152">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 152–154.</ref> Though more skeptical about it than most senators,<ref name="mann-366">Mann, ''A Grand Delusion'', pp. 357, 366–368.</ref> McGovern voted in favor of the August 1964 [[Gulf of Tonkin Resolution]], which turned out to be an essentially unbounded authorization for President [[Lyndon B. Johnson]] to escalate U.S. involvement in the war.<ref name="nyt-record"/> McGovern thought the commander in chief should be given limited authority to retaliate against an attack;<ref name="weil-16"/> subsequently, he said his instinct had been to vote no, but that he had voted yes because of Senator [[J. William Fulbright]]'s urging to stand behind Johnson politically.<ref name="anson-152"/><ref name="mann-366"/> The day after the resolution vote, McGovern spoke concerning his fears that the vote would lead to greater involvement in the war;<ref name="nyt-record"/> [[Wayne Morse]], one of only two senators to oppose the resolution, sardonically noted that this fell into the category of "very interesting, but very belated."<ref name="anson-152"/> This would become the vote that McGovern most bitterly regretted.<ref name="weil-16"/><ref name="mann-366"/>

In January 1965 McGovern made his first major address on Vietnam, saying that "We are not winning in South Vietnam&nbsp;... I am very much opposed to the policy, now gaining support in Washington, of extending the war to the north."<ref name="cby-267"/><ref name="anson-155">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 154–157.</ref> McGovern instead proposed a five-point plan advocating a negotiated settlement involving a federated Vietnam with local autonomy and a UN&nbsp;presence to guarantee security and fair treatment.<ref name="anson-155"/> The speech gave McGovern national visibility as one of the "doves" in the debate over Vietnam;<ref name="anson-155"/><ref name="knock-cha-105">Knock, "Come Home America", pp. 104–105.</ref> however, McGovern made moderate-to-hawkish statements at times too, flatly rejecting unconditional withdrawal of U.S.&nbsp;forces and criticizing [[Opposition to the U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War|antiwar]] [[draft-card burning]]s as "immature, impractical, and illegal".<ref name="anson-160"/> He eschewed personal criticism of Johnson.<ref name="knock-cha-105"/> In November 1965 McGovern traveled to South Vietnam for three weeks.<ref name="mann-486">Mann, ''A Grand Delusion'', p. 486.</ref> The human carnage he saw in hospital wards deeply upset him, and he became increasingly outspoken about the war upon his return, more convinced than ever that Vietnam was a political, not military, problem.<ref name="nyt-record"/><ref name="cby-267"/><ref name="anson-160">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 160–164.</ref> Now he was ready, as he later said, "not merely to dissent, but to crusade" against the war.<ref name="mann-486"/>

McGovern voted in favor of Vietnam military appropriations in 1966 through 1968, not wanting to deprive U.S. forces of necessary equipment.<ref name="anson-160"/> Nevertheless, his antiwar rhetoric increased throughout 1967.<ref name="anson-165">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 165–166.</ref> Over the years, Johnson had invited McGovern and other Senate doves to the [[White House]] for attempts to explain the rationale for his actions in Vietnam; McGovern came away from the final such visit, in August 1967, shaken by the sight of a president "tortured and confused&nbsp;... by the mess he has gotten into in Vietnam."<ref name="anson-165"/>

===1968 presidential and Senate campaigns===
In August 1967 activist [[Allard K. Lowenstein]] founded the [[Dump Johnson movement]], and soon it was seeking a Democratic Party figure to make a primaries campaign challenge against Johnson in the [[1968 U.S. presidential election]].<ref name="white-1968-72">White, ''The Making of the President 1968'', pp. 72–74.</ref> The group's first choice was Senator Robert Kennedy, who declined, as did another, and by late September 1967 they approached McGovern.<ref name="nyt-prof-1968"/><ref name="white-1968-72"/> After much deliberation McGovern declined, largely because he feared such a run would significantly damage his own chances for reelection to his Senate seat in 1968.<ref name="nyt-mitn-72"/><ref name="anson-4"/> A month later the anti-Johnson forces were able to persuade Senator [[Eugene McCarthy]] to run;<ref name="white-1968-72"/> he was one of the few "dove" senators not up for reelection that year.<ref name="anson-4">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 2–8.</ref>

In the 1968 Democratic primary campaign, McCarthy staged a strong showing. Robert Kennedy entered the race, President Johnson withdrew and Vice President [[Hubert Humphrey]] joined the field. While McGovern privately favored Kennedy, McCarthy and Humphrey were both from the neighboring state of Minnesota and publicly McGovern remained neutral.<ref name="anson-188">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 188–192.</ref> McGovern hosted all three as they campaigned for the June 4 South Dakota Democratic primary, which resulted in a strong win by Kennedy to go along with his win in the crucial California primary that night.<ref name="anson-188"/> McGovern spoke with Kennedy by phone minutes before [[Robert F. Kennedy assassination|Kennedy was assassinated]] in Los Angeles.<ref name="anson-188"/> The death of Bobby Kennedy left McGovern the most emotionally distraught he had ever been to that point in his life.<ref name="anson-188"/>

Within days, some of Kennedy's aides were urging McGovern to run in his place; their antipathy toward McCarthy and ideological opposition to Humphrey made them unwilling to support either candidate.<ref name="anson-193"/> McGovern delayed making a decision, making sure that Bobby's brother [[Ted Kennedy]] did not want to enter, and with his staff still concerned about the senator's own reelection prospects.<ref name="anson-193">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 192–199.</ref> McGovern's voting had changed during 1968, with his ADA rating falling to 43 as he sought more middle-of-the-road stances.<ref name="nyt-record"/> In late July, McGovern's decision became more complicated when his daughter Teresa was arrested in [[Rapid City]] on [[drug possession|marijuana possession]] charges.<ref>{{cite news |url= http://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=F10C10F93E5E1A7B93CAAB178CD85F4C8685F9 |title= McGovern's Daughter Held |agency=[[United Press International]] |newspaper=The New York Times |date=July 28, 1968 |page=52}}</ref> She had led a troubled life since her teenage years, developing problems with alcohol and depression and suffering the consequences of a relationship with an unstable neighborhood boy.<ref>McGovern, ''Terry'', pp. 64–66.</ref> On the basis of a recently enacted strict state drugs law, Terry now faced a minimum five-year prison sentence if found guilty.<ref name="terry-71">McGovern, ''Terry'', pp. 71–74.</ref> McGovern was also convinced that the socially conservative voters of South Dakota would reject him owing to his daughter's arrest.<ref name="terry-71"/> Charges against her were subsequently dropped because of an invalid search warrant.<ref>Anson, ''McGovern'', p. 195.</ref>

McGovern formally announced his candidacy on August 10, 1968, in Washington, two weeks in advance of the [[1968 Democratic National Convention]], committing himself to "the goals for which Robert Kennedy gave his life."<ref>{{cite news |url= http://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=F10D13F8345E157A8EDDA80994D0405B888AF1D3 |title= M'Govern Opens Presidential Bid With Peace Plea |author=Hunter, Majorie |newspaper=The New York Times |date=August 11, 1968 |page=1}}</ref> Asked why he was a better choice than McCarthy, he said, "Well – Gene really doesn't want to be president, and I do."<ref name="white-1968-265"/> At the convention in Chicago, Humphrey was the near-certain choice, while McGovern became the initial rallying point for around 300 leaderless Kennedy delegates.<ref name="white-1968-265">White, ''The Making of the President 1968'', pp. 265–266.</ref> The chaotic circumstances of the convention found McGovern denouncing the Chicago police tactics against demonstrators as "police brutality."<ref name="anson-207">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 207–211.</ref> Given the internal politics of the party, it was difficult for McGovern to gain in delegate strength, and black protest candidate [[Channing E. Phillips]] drew off some of his support.<ref name="anson-207"/> In the actual roll call, McGovern came in third with 146½ delegates, far behind Humphrey's 1760¼ and McCarthy's 601.<ref>White, ''The Making of the President 1968'', Appendix C.</ref>

McGovern endorsed Humphrey at the convention, to the dismay of some antiwar figures who considered it a betrayal.<ref name="anson-207"/> Humphrey went on to lose the general election to [[Richard Nixon]]. McGovern returned to his [[1968 United States Senate election in South Dakota|Senate reelection race]], facing Republican former governor [[Archie M. Gubbrud]]. While South Dakota voters sympathized with McGovern over his daughter's arrest,<ref name="terry-76">McGovern, ''Terry'', pp. 76, 79.</ref> he initially suffered a substantial drop in popularity over the events in Chicago;<ref name="anson-213">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 213–216.</ref> however, McGovern conducted an energetic campaign that focused on his service to the state, while Gubbrud ran a lackluster effort.<ref name="anson-213"/> In November, McGovern won 57&nbsp;percent of the vote in what he would consider the easiest and most decisive victory of his career.<ref name="terry-76"/>

===Middle Senate years and continued opposition to the Vietnam War===
During the 1968 Democratic Convention, a motion had been passed to establish a commission to reform the Democratic Party nomination process.<ref>White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', pp. 17–20.</ref> In 1969 McGovern was named chairman of the [[Commission on Party Structure and Delegate Selection]], also known as the McGovern–Fraser Commission; owing to the influence of former McCarthy and Kennedy supporters on the staff, the commission significantly reduced the role of party officials and insiders in the nomination process.<ref name="White, pp. 24">White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', pp. 24–33.</ref><ref name="reichley-285"/> The commission's 1970 report, ''Mandate for Reform'',<ref name="kauf"/> was approved by the Democratic National Committee in 1971.<ref name="reichley-285"/> It required that delegates be selected either by a party primary where delegate preferences were indicated on the ballot or by a state convention process where the first stage was open caucuses.<ref name="reichley-285"/> It also mandated quotas for proportional black, female, and youth delegate representation.<ref name="White, pp. 24"/><ref name="reichley-285"/> The new rules had an immediate effect; in 1972, a third more primaries were held in the Democratic nomination process than in 1968 and those primaries produced half again as many delegates.<ref>White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', p. 71.</ref> Over the next few presidential election cycles, this trend towards holding primaries increased in both parties, with eventually over 80&nbsp;percent of delegates being chosen via primaries; whereas before McGovern–Fraser, two-thirds of all delegates were chosen by state conventions controlled by party elites.<ref name="kauf"/> Thus the U.S.&nbsp;presidential nominating process has been different ever since the McGovern–Fraser reforms, with scholars and politicians debating whether all the changes are for the better.<ref name="reichley-285">Reichley, ''The Life of the Parties'', pp. 283, 285–287.</ref><ref name="kauf">{{cite journal | last1=Kaufmann | first1=Karen M. | first2=James G. | last2=Gimpel | first3=Adam H. | last3=Hoffman | title=A Promise Fulfilled? Open Primaries and Representation | journal=[[The Journal of Politics]] | volume=65 | issue= 2 | year=2003 | pages=457–476 | doi=10.1111/1468-2508.t01-2-00009 | s2cid=154515817 }} At pp. 457, 459.</ref>

In the wake of several high-profile reports about hunger and [[malnutrition]] in the United States, the [[Senate Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs]] had been created in July 1968, with McGovern as its chairman.<ref>Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 220–224.</ref> Seeking to dramatize the problem, in March 1969 McGovern took the committee to [[Immokalee, Florida]], the base for 20,000 [[migrant farm worker]]s.<ref name="anson-225">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 225–229.</ref> They saw graphic examples of hunger and malnutrition firsthand, but also encountered resistance and complaints about bad publicity from local and state officials.<ref name="anson-225"/><ref>{{cite news |url= http://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=F70C10FD3B5D137A93C3A81788D85F4D8685F9 |title=Senators on Hunger Tour See Squalor in Florida |author=Hunter, Majorie |newspaper=The New York Times |date=March 11, 1969 |page=31}}</ref> McGovern battled the Nixon administration and Southerners in Congress during much of the next year over an expanded [[Food Stamp Program]]; he had to compromise on a number of points, but legislation signed in 1970 established the principles of free food stamps and a nationwide standard for eligibility.<ref>Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 229–234.</ref>

McGovern generally lacked both interest and expertise in [[economics]], but was outspoken in reaction to Nixon's imposition of [[wage and price controls]] in 1971.<ref>Anson, ''McGovern'', p. 137.</ref> McGovern declared: "This administration, which pledged to slow inflation and reduce unemployment, has instead given us the highest rate of inflation and the highest rate of unemployment in a decade."<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.upi.com/Audio/Year_in_Review/Events-of-1971/12295509436546-1/#title |title=Economic Crisis: 1971 Year in Review |publisher=United Press International |access-date=October 29, 2009 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090212064553/http://www.upi.com/Audio/Year_in_Review/Events-of-1971/12295509436546-1/#title |archive-date=February 12, 2009 }}</ref> Regarding another heated domestic issue, ''[[60 Minutes]]'' included McGovern in a 1971 report about liberal politicians and journalists who advocated integrated schooling while avoiding it for their children.{{refn|The report, by [[Mike Wallace]], detailed the senator's support of [[desegregation busing]] even while the Washington, D.C., resident was paying non-resident tuition for his own daughter to attend [[Bethesda, Maryland]], public schools, which were only 3&nbsp;percent black. McGovern responded that where he sent his children to school was a private matter.<ref>{{cite news | url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=zY1JAAAAIBAJ&pg=3688,478219 | title=Hypocrisy, Unlimited | author=Hart, Jeffrey | newspaper=[[The News and Courier]] | location=Charleston, South Carolina | date=January 3, 1972 | page=8A| author-link=Jeffrey Hart }}{{dead link|date=October 2016}}</ref>|group="nb"}}

{{U.S. Congressional opposition to war}}
But most of all, McGovern was known for his continued opposition to the Vietnam War. In March 1969, he became the first senator to explicitly criticize the new president's policy there, an action that was seen as a breach of customary protocol by other Senate doves.<ref name="anson-168">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 167–169.</ref> The ongoing diversion to South Vietnam of much of Food for Peace's aid, where it was used to subsidize that country's budget, when there were countries around the world affected by drought and food shortages, upset him.<ref>Knock, "Feeding the World and Thwarting the Communists", pp. 112–113.</ref> By the end of 1969, McGovern was calling for an immediate cease-fire and a total withdrawal of all American troops within a year.<ref name="anson-168"/> In October 1969 McGovern was a featured speaker before 100,000&nbsp;demonstrators in Boston at the [[Moratorium to End the War in Vietnam]], and in November he spoke before 350,000 at Moratorium/[[National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam|Mobilization]]'s antiwar march to the [[Washington Monument]].<ref name="anson-172">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 169–174.</ref> Afterward, he decided that radicalized peace demonstrations were counterproductive and criticized antiwar figures such as [[Rennie Davis]], [[Tom Hayden]], [[Huey Newton]], [[Abbie Hoffman]], and [[Jerry Rubin]] as "reckless" and "irresponsible".<ref name="anson-172"/>

Instead, McGovern focused on legislative means to bring the war to an end.<ref name="anson-177"/> The [[McGovern–Hatfield Amendment]] to the annual military procurement bill, co-sponsored by Republican [[Mark Hatfield]] of Oregon, required via funding cutoff a complete withdrawal of all American forces from Indochina by the end of 1970.<ref name="nyt090270">{{cite news | url=https://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=FA0B1FF73D551B7493C0A91782D85F448785F9 | title=Senate Defeats 'End War' Move By Vote Of 55–39 | author=Smith, Robert M. | newspaper=[[The New York Times]] | date=September 2, 1970 | page=1}}</ref> It underwent months of public discussion and alterations to make it acceptable to more senators, including pushing the deadline out to the end of 1971.<ref name="mann-669"/> In May 1970 McGovern obtained a [[second mortgage]] on his Washington home in order to fund a half-hour televised panel discussion on the amendment on [[NBC]].<ref name="mann-669"/> The broadcast brought in over $500,000 in donations that furthered work on passage,<ref name="anson-177"/> and eventually the amendment gained the support of the majority of the public in polls.<ref name="mann-669"/> The effort was denounced by opposition groups organized by White House aide [[Charles Colson]], which called McGovern and Hatfield "apostles of retreat and defeat" and "salesmen of surrender" and maintained that only the president could conduct foreign policy.<ref name="mann-669"/> The amendment was defeated in September 1970 by a 55–39 vote, just short of what McGovern had hoped would constitute at least a [[moral victory]].<ref name="anson-177">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 174–178.</ref> During the floor debate, McGovern criticized his colleagues opposing the measure:
{{cquote|
Every Senator in this chamber is partly responsible for sending 50,000 young Americans to an early grave. This chamber reeks of blood. Every Senator here is partly responsible for that human wreckage at Walter Reed and Bethesda Naval and all across our land{{snd}}young men without legs, or arms, or genitals, or faces or hopes. There are not very many of these blasted and broken boys who think this war is a glorious adventure. Do not talk to them about bugging out, or national honor or courage. It does not take any courage at all for a congressman, or a senator, or a president to wrap himself in the flag and say we are staying in Vietnam, because it is not our blood that is being shed. But we are responsible for those young men and their lives and their hopes. And if we do not end this damnable war those young men will some day curse us for our pitiful willingness to let the Executive carry the burden that the Constitution places on us.<ref name="anson-177"/><ref name="mann-669"/>}}

The Senate reacted in startled, stunned silence, and some faces showed anger and fury;<ref name="weil-16"/> when one member told McGovern he had been personally offended by the speech, McGovern said, "That's what I meant to do."<ref name="mann-669">Mann, ''A Grand Delusion'', pp. 666–670.</ref> McGovern believed Vietnam an immoral war that was destroying much of what was pure, hopeful, and different about America's character as a nation.<ref name="weil-16"/>

The defeat of the amendment left McGovern embittered and somewhat more radicalized.<ref name="anson-179">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 179–180.</ref> He accused the vice president of South Vietnam, [[Nguyen Cao Ky]], of running a heroin trafficking operation that was addicting American soldiers.<ref name="anson-179"/> In a retort to the powerful Senate [[United States Senate Committee on Armed Services|Armed Services Committee]] chairman [[John Stennis]]'s suggestion that U.S.&nbsp;troops might have to return to Cambodia, McGovern declared, "I'm tired of old men dreaming up wars for young men to fight. If he wants to use American ground troops in Cambodia, let him lead the charge himself."<ref>{{cite news|url=http://www.thecrimson.com/printerfriendly.aspx?ref=355047 |newspaper=[[The Harvard Crimson]] |title=McGovern Runs for President |date=February 17, 1971 |author=Southwick, Thomas P. |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060218061205/http://www.thecrimson.com/printerfriendly.aspx?ref=355047 |archive-date=February 18, 2006 }}</ref> He denounced Nixon's policy of [[Vietnamization]] as "subsidiz[ing] the continued killing of the people of Indochina by technology and mercenaries."<ref>Mann, ''A Grand Delusion'', p. 680.</ref> In a ''[[Playboy]]'' interview, he said that [[Ho Chi Minh]] was the North Vietnamese [[George Washington]].<ref name="anson-179"/>

McGovern–Hatfield was put up for a vote again in 1971, with somewhat weaker provisions designed to gain more support.<ref name="weil-21">Weil, ''The Long Shot'', pp. 21–22.</ref> In polls, a large majority of the public now favored its intent, and McGovern took his name off a final form of it, as some senators were just objecting to him.<ref name="mann-682"/> Nevertheless, in June 1971, it failed to pass again, gaining only a few more votes than the year before.<ref name="mann-682">Mann, ''A Grand Delusion'', pp. 682–684.</ref> McGovern was now certain that the only way the war would come to a quick end was if there was a new president.<ref name="weil-21"/>

===1972 presidential campaign===
{{Main|George McGovern 1972 presidential campaign}}
{{Further|1972 Democratic Party presidential primaries|1972 United States presidential election}}
McGovern announced his candidacy on January 18, 1971, during a televised speech from the studios of [[KELO-TV]] in [[Sioux Falls, South Dakota]].<ref name="anson-267">Anson, ''McGovern'', pp. 267–268.</ref> At the time of his announcement, McGovern ranked fifth among Democrats in a presidential preference [[Gallup Poll]].<ref>Weil, ''The Long Shot'', p. 33.</ref> The earliest such entry since [[Andrew Jackson]],<ref>Miroff, ''The Liberals' Moment'', p. 45.</ref> it was designed to give him time to overcome the large lead of the frontrunner, Maine senator [[Edmund Muskie]].<ref>{{cite news |url= http://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=F30C11F7345C107B93CBA8178AD85F458785F9 |title=McGovern Enters '72 Race, Pledging Troop Withdrawal |author=Apple Jr., R. W. |newspaper=The New York Times |date=January 19, 1971 |page=1|author-link=R. W. Apple, Jr }}</ref> By January 1972, McGovern had only 3&nbsp;percent national support among Democrats in the Gallup Poll and had not attracted significant press coverage.<ref>White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', p. 211.</ref> McGovern's campaign manager [[Gary Hart]] decided on a guerrilla-like insurgency strategy of battling Muskie in only selected primaries, not everywhere, so as to focus the campaign's organizational strength and resources.<ref>White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', pp. 101–102.</ref>

[[Image:George McGovern, c 1972.jpg|thumb|left|McGovern speaking on June 30, 1972]]

Muskie fell victim to inferior organizing, an over-reliance on party endorsements, and Nixon's "[[ratfucking|dirty tricks]]" operatives,<ref name="witcover-579">Witcover, ''Party of the People'', pp. 578–580.</ref><ref>Miroff, ''The Liberals' Moment'', pp. 54–55.</ref><ref>Reichley, ''The Life of the Parties'', pp. 287–288.</ref> and in the March 7, 1972, [[New Hampshire primary]], did worse than expected with McGovern coming in a close second.<ref>White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', pp. 80–82.</ref> As Muskie's campaign funding and support dried up, Hubert Humphrey, who had rejoined the Senate, became McGovern's primary rival for the nomination,<ref name="nyt-071372-nom"/> with Alabama governor [[George Wallace]] also in the mix after dominating the March 14 primary in Florida.<!-- <ref name="witcover-579"/> --> McGovern won a key breakthrough victory over Humphrey and Wallace on April 4 in Wisconsin,<ref name="witcover-579"/> where he added blue-collar economic populism to his appeal.<ref>Miroff, ''The Liberals' Moment'', pp. 57–59.</ref> He followed that by dominating the April 25 primary in Massachusetts.<ref name="white-1972-106">White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', pp. 106–107, 110–112.</ref> At that point, McGovern had become the frontrunner.<ref name="white-1972-106"/> A late decision to enter the May 2 Ohio primary, considered a Humphrey stronghold, paid dividends when McGovern managed a very close second there amid charges of election fraud by pro-Humphrey forces.<ref name="nyt-mitn-72"/><ref>Miroff, ''The Liberals' Moment'', pp. 61–62.</ref> The other two leading candidates for the nomination also won primaries, but Wallace's campaign in effect ended when he was seriously wounded in a May assassination attempt,<ref name="witcover-581"/> and McGovern's operation was effective in garnering delegates in caucus states.<ref>Miroff, ''The Liberals' Moment'', pp. 62–63.</ref>

The climactic contest took place in California, with Humphrey attacking McGovern in several televised debates; in the June 6 vote, McGovern defeated him by five percentage points and claimed all the delegates due to the state's winner-take-all rules.<ref>White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', pp. 121–122, 127–129.</ref> He then appeared to clinch the nomination with delegates won in the New York primary on June 20.<ref name="witcover-581">Witcover, ''Party of the People'', pp. 580–582.</ref> Humphrey's attacks on McGovern as being too radical began a downward slide in the latter's poll standing against Nixon.<ref>Miroff, ''The Liberals' Moment'', pp. 68–69.</ref> McGovern became tagged with the label "amnesty, abortion, and acid", supposedly reflecting his positions.{{refn|The label's origins later turned out to come from Thomas Eagleton, several months before he became the vice presidential nominee.<ref>{{cite news |url=https://www.nbcnews.com/id/wbna19694666 |title='Meet the Press' transcript for July 15, 2007 | publisher=[[NBC News]] | date=July 15, 2007}}</ref><ref>Giglio, "The Eagleton Affair", p. 650.<!--approx--></ref>|group="nb"}} During his primary victories, McGovern used an approach that stressed [[grassroots]]-level organization while bypassing conventional campaign techniques and traditional party power centers.<ref name="nyt-mitn-72"/><ref name="nyt-071372-nom">{{cite news | url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1972/07/13/90717133.pdf | title=A Stunning Sweep: Senator Seeks Unity – McGovern wins Party's Presidential Nomination on the First Ballot | author=Frankel, Max | date=July 13, 1972 | page=1 | work=The New York Times| author-link=Max Frankel }}</ref> He capitalized on support from antiwar activists and reform liberals;<ref name="witcover-579"/> thousands of students engaged in door-to-door campaigning for him.<ref>Wayne, ''The Road to the White House 2008'', p. 148.</ref> He benefited by the eight primaries he won being those the press focused on the most; he showed electoral weakness in the South and industrial Midwest, and actually received fewer primary votes overall than Humphrey and had only a modest edge over Wallace.<ref name="cook-51">Cook, ''The Presidential Nominating Process'', pp. 51, 53.</ref>

[[Image:GeorgeMcGovern.png|thumb|right|upright|McGovern as seen in a 1972 campaign poster]]

McGovern ran on a [[political platform|platform]] that advocated withdrawal from the Vietnam War in exchange for the return of American [[prisoners of war]]<ref>White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', p. 116.</ref> and amnesty for draft evaders who had left the country.<ref>White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', p. 337.</ref> McGovern's platform also included an across-the-board 37-percent reduction in defense spending over three years.<ref>White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', p. 117.</ref> He proposed a "demogrant" program that would give a $1,000&nbsp;payment to every citizen in the United States.<ref name="white-1972-119">White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', pp. 119–120.</ref> Based around existing ideas such as the [[negative income tax]] and intended to replace the welfare bureaucracy and complicated maze of existing public-assistance programs, it nonetheless garnered considerable derision as a poorly thought-out "liberal giveaway" and was dropped from the platform in August.<ref name="witcover-579"/><ref name="white-1972-119"/><ref name="time-issues">{{cite news | url=http://www.time.com/time/subscriber/printout/0,8816,906634,00.html | archive-url=https://archive.today/20130204202302/http://www.time.com/time/subscriber/printout/0,8816,906634,00.html | url-status=dead | archive-date=February 4, 2013 | title=Issues '72: Nixon v. McGovern on Taxes, Prices, Jobs | magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] | date=October 30, 1972}}</ref>{{refn|The concept behind the demogrant was in part a conservative one, was similar to the [[negative income tax]] long advocated by economist [[Milton Friedman]], and by the Nixon Administration in the form of the Family Assistance Program, which called for a minimum family grant of $1,600 per year, later raised to $2,400. McGovern had previously sponsored a bill, submitted by the [[National Welfare Rights Organization]], for $6,500 [[guaranteed minimum income]] per year to families. But the demogrant differed from all these other plans by going to everyone and not being needs-based.<ref name="white-1972-119"/>|group="nb"}}

An "Anybody But McGovern" coalition, led by southern Democrats and organized labor, formed in the weeks following the final primaries.<ref>Miroff, ''The Liberals' Moment'', pp. 74–78.</ref> McGovern's nomination did not become ensured until the first night of the [[1972 Democratic National Convention]] in [[Miami Beach, Florida]], where, following intricate parliamentary maneuverings led by campaign staffer [[Rick Stearns]], a Humphrey credentials challenge regarding the California winner-take-all rules was defeated.<ref>White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', p. 174–175.</ref><ref>Thompson, ''Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail '72'', pp. 276–310.</ref> Divisive arguments over the party platform then followed; what resulted was arguably the most liberal one of any major U.S. party.<ref name="nyt-obit"/> On July 12, 1972, McGovern officially won the Democratic nomination. In doing so and in taking over the party's processes and platform, McGovern produced what ''The New York Times'' termed "a stunning sweep."<ref name="nyt-071372-nom"/> The convention distractions led to a hurried process to pick a vice presidential running mate.<ref>Witcover, ''Party of the People'', pp. 583–584.</ref> Turned down by his first choice, Ted Kennedy, as well as by several others, McGovern selected – with virtually no vetting – Missouri senator [[Thomas Eagleton]].<ref>Giglio, "The Eagleton Affair", pp. 648–649.<!--approx--></ref> On the final night of the convention, procedural arguments over matters such as a new party charter, and a prolonged vice presidential nomination process that descended into farce, delayed the nominee's acceptance speech.<ref>White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', pp. 184–186.</ref> As a result, McGovern delivered his speech, "Come home America!", at three o'clock in the morning, reducing his television audience from about 70&nbsp;million people to about 15&nbsp;million.<ref>Miroff, ''The Liberals' Moment'', p. 87.</ref>

Just over two weeks after the convention, it was revealed that Eagleton had been hospitalized and received [[electroshock therapy]] for "nervous exhaustion" and "depression" several times during the early to mid-1960s.<ref>{{cite news | url=https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1972/07/26/80798105.pdf | title=Eagleton Tells of Shock Therapy on Two Occasions | author=Lydon, Christopher | newspaper=[[The New York Times]] | date=July 26, 1972 | page=1| author-link=Christopher Lydon }}</ref> Years later, Eagleton's diagnosis was refined to [[bipolar II disorder]].<ref>Giglio, "The Eagleton Affair", p. 657.<!--approx--></ref> McGovern initially supported Eagleton, in part because he saw parallels with his daughter Terry's battles with mental illness.<ref name="terry-review"/><ref name="wapo-might"/> He was additionally sympathetic due to his wife Eleanor having experienced depression; and he was also harboring a secret about his own past, that being an undisclosed child.<ref>Glasser, ''The Eighteen-Day Running Mate'', pp. 172, 342n15.</ref> On the following day, July 26, McGovern stated publicly, "I am 1,000&nbsp;percent for Tom Eagleton and have no intention of dropping him from the ticket."<ref>{{cite news | url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=Fm9kAAAAIBAJ&pg=3529,2580768&dq=percent+eagleton+no-intention+dropping&hl=en | title=Eagleton May Still Withdraw | author=Lydon, Christopher | newspaper=[[The Calgary Herald]] | date=July 27, 1972 | pages=1, 2| author-link=Christopher Lydon }}</ref> Though many people still supported Eagleton's candidacy, an increasing number of influential politicians and newspapers questioned his ability to handle the office of vice president and, potentially, president<ref name="miroff-93"/> or questioned the McGovern campaign's ability to survive the distraction.<ref name="giglio-withdraw">Giglio, "The Eagleton Affair", pp. 662-665.<!--approx--></ref> The resulting negative attention – combined with McGovern's consultation with preeminent psychiatrists, including [[Karl Menninger]], as well as doctors who had treated Eagleton – prompted McGovern to accept, and announce on August 1, Eagleton's offer to withdraw from the ticket.<ref name="giglio-withdraw"/><ref>Miroff, ''The Liberals' Moment'', pp. 94–95.</ref> It remains the only time a major party vice presidential nominee has been forced off the ticket.<ref>Giglio, "The Eagleton Affair", p. 647.<!--should be--></ref> Five prominent Democrats then publicly turned down McGovern's offer of the vice presidential slot: in sequence, Kennedy again, [[Abraham Ribicoff]], Humphrey, [[Reubin Askew]], and Muskie. ([[Larry O'Brien]] was also approached but no offer made).<ref name="white-1972-207"/> Finally, he named U.S. ambassador to France [[Sargent Shriver]], a brother-in-law of John F. Kennedy.<ref name="white-1972-207">White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', p. 207–210.</ref> McGovern's [[1000 percent|1,000 percent]] statement and subsequent reneging made him look both indecisive and an opportunist, and has since been considered one of the worst gaffes in presidential campaign history.<ref name="miroff-93">Miroff, ''The Liberals' Moment'', pp. 89, 93.</ref> McGovern himself would long view the Eagleton affair as having been "catastrophic" for his campaign.<ref name="wapo-might"/>

[[File:George McGovern UH.jpeg|thumb|right|upright|McGovern speaking at an October 1972 rally in Houston during the final weeks of the campaign]]

The general election campaign did not go well for McGovern. Nixon did little campaigning;<ref>Reeves, ''President Nixon'', pp.&nbsp;524–525.</ref> he was buoyed by the success of [[1972 Nixon visit to China|his visit to China]] and [[Moscow Summit (1972)|arms-control-signing summit meeting in the Soviet Union]] earlier that year, and shortly before the election [[Henry Kissinger]]'s somewhat premature statement that "peace is at hand" in Vietnam.<ref>Witcover, ''Party of the People'', pp. 587–588.</ref> Top Republican figures attacked McGovern for being weak on defense issues and "encouraging the enemy";<ref>{{cite news |url= https://timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1972/08/22/93417749.pdf |title= Criticism Harsh: Democrat Is Assailed As Extremist Periling Nixon Peace Bid |author=Frankel, Max |newspaper=The New York Times |date=August 22, 1972 |page=1|author-link= Max Frankel }}</ref> Nixon asserted that McGovern was for "peace at any price" in Vietnam rather than the "[[peace with honor]]" that Nixon said he would bring about.<ref name="autogenerated252">Wayne, ''The Road to the White House 2008'', pp. 252–253.</ref> McGovern chose to not emphasize his own war record during the campaign.{{refn|McGovern would later say of not emphasizing his war record more during the campaign: "I think it was a political error, but I always felt kind of foolish talking about my war record – what a hero I was. How do you do that?&nbsp;... [I]t was not in my nature to turn the campaign into a constant exercise in self-congratulatory autobiography."<ref name=Kauffman>{{cite news|author=Kauffman, Bill |date=January 30, 2006 |url=http://www.amconmag.com/article/2006/jan/30/00012/ |title=Come Home, America |magazine=[[The American Conservative]] |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20110514005534/http://www.amconmag.com/article/2006/jan/30/00012/ |archive-date=May 14, 2011 |author-link=Bill Kauffman }}</ref> Such disinclination was common among World War II veterans.<ref name="nyt-obit"/>|group="nb"}} The McGovern Commission changes to the convention rules marginalized the influence of establishment Democratic Party figures, and McGovern struggled to get endorsements from figures such as former President Johnson and Chicago mayor [[Richard J. Daley]].<ref>Miroff, ''The Liberals' Moment'', p. 102.</ref> The [[AFL–CIO]] remained neutral, after having always endorsed the Democratic presidential candidate in the past.<ref>Reeves, ''President Nixon'', pp. 516–517.</ref> Some southern Democrats, led by former Texas governor [[John Connally]], switched their support to the Republican incumbent through a campaign effort called [[Democrats for Nixon]].<ref>Miroff, ''The Liberals' Moment'', pp. 228–229.</ref> Nixon outspent McGovern by more than two-to-one.<ref>Wayne, ''The Road to the White House 2008'', p. 66.</ref>

Nixon directly requested that his aides use government records to try to dig up dirt on McGovern and his top contributors.<ref>Reeves, ''President Nixon'', pp.&nbsp;520–521.</ref> McGovern was publicly attacked by Nixon surrogates<ref>Miroff, ''The Liberals' Moment'', pp. 239–241.</ref> and was the target of various operations of the Nixon "dirty tricks" campaign.<ref name="miroff-243">Miroff, ''The Liberals' Moment'', pp. 241–243.</ref> The infamous [[Watergate burglaries|Watergate break-in]] of the Democratic National Committee headquarters in June 1972 was an alternate target after bugging McGovern's headquarters was explored.<ref name="miroff-243"/> The full dimensions of the subsequent [[Watergate scandal]] did not emerge during the election;<ref name="miroff-243"/> the vast majority of the press focused on McGovern's difficulties and other news rather than the break-in or who was behind it, and a majority of voters were unaware of Watergate.<ref>Reeves, ''President Nixon'', pp. 503, 507, 519, 569.</ref>  In the end, Nixon's covert operations had little effect in either direction on the election outcome.<ref name="miroff-243"/><ref>White, ''The Making of the President 1972'', pp. 296–297.</ref>

[[File:1972 United States presidential election results map by county.svg|thumb|left|alt=Colored map|County-by-county results of the election, shaded by percentage won: Nixon in red, McGovern in blue]]

By the final week of the campaign, McGovern knew he was going to lose.<ref>Thompson, ''Fear and Loathing on the Campaign Trail '72'', pp. 402–404.</ref> While he was appearing in [[Battle Creek, Michigan]], on November 2, a Nixon admirer heckled him. McGovern told the heckler, "I've got a secret for you", then said softly into his ear, "Kiss my ass."<ref>{{cite news | url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=DXksAAAAIBAJ&pg=2998,472856&dq=mcgovern+kiss-my-ass&hl=en | title=George, Heckler Exchange Words | agency=[[Associated Press]] | newspaper=[[The Spartanburg Herald]] | date=November 3, 1972 | page=B8}}</ref> The incident was overheard and reported in the press, and became part of the tale of the campaign.{{refn|By McGovern's later telling, "KMA" buttons were being worn by people in the crowds at McGovern rallies by the following night.<ref>McGovern, ''Grassroots'', p. 246.</ref> Some observers felt it showed a forcefulness that his campaign had theretofore lacked.<ref name="autogenerated252"/> Several years later, McGovern observed [[Mississippi]] Senator [[James Eastland]], not a big supporter of his, looking at him from across the Senate floor and chuckling to himself. He subsequently approached McGovern and asked, "Did you really tell that guy in '72 to kiss your ass?" When McGovern smiled and nodded, Eastland replied, "That was the best line in the campaign."<ref>{{cite book|title=Presidential Campaigns|first=Paul|last=Boller|year=2004|page=340|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fZ_fSmFIabQC| isbn=0-19-516716-3 | publisher=Oxford University Press |location=New York}}</ref> |group="nb"}}

In the general election on November 7, 1972, the McGovern–Shriver ticket suffered a 61 percent to 37 percent defeat to Nixon – at the time, the second biggest landslide in American history, with an [[U.S. Electoral College|Electoral College]] total of 520 to 17. McGovern's two electoral vote victories came in Massachusetts and the District of Columbia, and he failed to win his home state of South Dakota, which had gone Democratic in only three of the previous eighteen presidential elections and would continue to go Republican in presidential elections to come.<ref>{{cite web|author=David Leip |url=http://uselectionatlas.org/RESULTS/compare.php?year=2016&fips=46&f=1&off=0&elect=0&type=state |title=Presidential General Election Results Comparison – South Dakota |website=Dave Leip's Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections |access-date=April 25, 2017}}</ref> Over the nation as a whole he carried a mere 135&nbsp;counties.{{refn|Overall McGovern carried 130 counties in the contiguous U.S., the District of Columbia, and four county-equivalents <!-- changed from three by some IP editor who says 'H actually also carried Hoonah-Angoon Census Area according to precinct data' -->[[United States presidential election in Alaska, 1972|in Alaska]].|group="nb"}} At just over four percent of the nation's counties, McGovern's county wins remain the fewest by almost a factor of three for any major-party nominee.<ref>{{cite book | last=Menendez | first= Albert J. | title=The Geography of Presidential Elections in the United States, 1868–2004 | page=98 | isbn=0-7864-2217-3 | publisher=McFarland | date=2005}}</ref>
{{clear}}

===Remaining Senate years===
[[File:George McGovern in Tbilisi 1977.jpg|thumb|right|Senator McGovern visiting an American photography exhibition in [[Tbilisi]] in the Soviet Union in 1977]]
After this loss, McGovern remained in the Senate. He was scarred by the enormous defeat,<ref name="miroff-293">Miroff, ''The Liberals' Moment'', p. 293.</ref> and his wife, Eleanor, took it even worse; during the winter of 1972–1973, the couple seriously considered moving to England.<ref name="nytm-mcginniss"/> His allies were replaced in positions of power within the Democratic Party leadership, and the McGoverns did not get publicly introduced at party affairs they attended.<ref name="wapo-might"/> On January 20, 1973, a few hours after Richard Nixon was re-inaugurated, McGovern gave a speech at the [[Oxford Union]] that talked about the abuses of Nixon's presidency; it brought criticism, including from some Democrats, for being ill-mannered.<ref name="wapo-might"/>

To get past the "bitterness and self-pity" he felt, McGovern forced himself to deal with the defeat humorously before audiences; starting at the March 1973 [[Gridiron Dinner]], he frequently related his campaign misadventures in a self-deprecating fashion, such as saying, "For many years, I wanted to run for the presidency in the worst possible way – and last year I sure did."<ref name="wapo-might"/><ref name="nytm-mcginniss"/><ref>Mann, ''A Grand Delusion'', p. 710.</ref> Emotions surrounding the loss would remain with McGovern for decades, as it did with some other defeated presidential nominees.<ref name="wapo-might"/> Nixon resigned in August 1974 because of the Watergate scandal. McGovern said President [[Gerald Ford]]'s subsequent September 1974 pardon of Nixon was difficult to understand, given that Nixon's subordinates were going to prison.<ref>{{cite news | url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=4XEzAAAAIBAJ&pg=628,2390236&dq=george-mcgovern+pardon+nixon&hl=en | title=Reaction splits on party lines | agency=[[Associated Press]] | newspaper=[[Bangor Daily News]] | date=September 9, 1974 | page=1}}</ref>

McGovern displayed the political resiliency he had shown in the past.<ref name="miroff-293"/> In [[1974 United States Senate election in South Dakota|1974]], he faced possible political peril because of his having neglected the state during his long presidential campaign, and by May 1973, he had already begun campaigning for re-election.<ref name="nytm-mcginniss">{{cite news | url=https://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=F20B13FD3954137A93C4A9178ED85F478785F9 | author=McGinniss, Joe | title=Second Thoughts of George McGovern | magazine=[[The New York Times Magazine]] | date=May 6, 1973 | author-link=Joe McGinniss}}</ref> An Air Force pilot and Medal of Honor recipient, [[Leo K. Thorsness]], had just been repatriated after six years as a [[prisoner of war]] in North Vietnam; he publicly accused McGovern of having given aid and comfort to the enemy and of having prolonged his time as a POW.<ref name="nytm-mcginniss"/> McGovern replied that if there had been no war, there would have been no POWs, and that everything he had done had been toward the goal of ending the war sooner.<ref name="nytm-mcginniss"/> Thorsness became the Republican nominee against McGovern, but despite the two men's different roles in it, the war did not become a significant issue.<ref name="nyt110674">{{cite news |url= http://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=F10916FB3D5B147B93C4A9178AD95F408785F9 |title= M'Govern Wins 3d Senate Term |author=Kneeland, Douglas E. |newspaper=The New York Times |date= November 6, 1974 |page=40}}</ref> Instead, the campaign was dominated by farm policy differences and economic concerns over the [[1973–75 recession]].<ref name="nyt110674"/><ref>{{cite news | url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1129&dat=19741002&id=HeQNAAAAIBAJ&pg=7171,192628 | title=Fear of Depression Puts McGovern Ahead | author=Evans, Rowland | author2=Novak, Robert | newspaper=[[Pittsburgh Post-Gazette]] | date=October 2, 1974 | author-link=Rowland Evans | author-link2=Robert Novak }}{{Dead link|date=December 2021 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}</ref> Thorsness charged McGovern with being a "part-time senator" more concerned with national office and with spending over $2&nbsp;million on his re‑election bid, while McGovern labeled Thorsness a [[carpetbagger]] owing to his having grown up in Minnesota.<ref name="nyt110674"/> In a year in which Democrats were advantaged by the aftereffects of the Watergate scandal,<ref name="nyt110674"/> McGovern won re-election in November 1974 with 53 percent of the vote.<ref>{{cite news | url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=guAoAAAAIBAJ&pg=6385,3454910 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20151102094208/https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=guAoAAAAIBAJ&sjid=ACkEAAAAIBAJ&pg=6385,3454910 | url-status=dead | archive-date=November 2, 2015 | title=McGovern, Bayh, Dole Win Again | newspaper=[[The Milwaukee Journal]] | date=November 6, 1974 | page=11}}</ref>

Following the [[Fall of Saigon]] and the end of the Vietnam War in April 1975, McGovern attributed the outcome not to Congressional refusal to fund more military aid to South Vietnam, as President Ford had wanted.  Instead, McGovern said, the regime of [[Nguyễn Văn Thiệu]] "fell because the leadership was corrupt and decadent and did not have the support of its own people."<ref>{{cite news | url=https://www.newspapers.com/image/82267686/?terms=mcgovern%2B%22of%2Bthe%2Brefugees%22%2B%22better%2Boff%22 | title=Time to put house in order: McGovern | newspaper=Journal Gazette | location=Mattoon, Illinois | date=May 5, 1975 | page=1 | via=Newspapers.com}}</ref>  Regarding the [[Indochina refugee crisis]] that soon developed, McGovern introduced legislation in early May 1975 to enable Vietnamese refugees who had left the country in panic fearing a post-war bloodbath to return to the country.  He said, "Ninety percent of the refugees would be better off going back to their own land.  And I say that in a humanitarian spirit. ... The [new] Saigon government has already given orders that the people are not to be molested ... that is more respect than Thieu's army frequently demonstrated. ... our program for dealing with these refugees should include as the highest priority steps to facilitate their early return to Vietnam."<ref>{{cite news | url=https://www.newspapers.com/image/173226335/?terms=mcgovern%2B%22of%2Bthe%2Brefugees%22%2B%22better%2Boff%22 | title=McGovern's proposal: Help those who want to return | first=George | last=McGovern | newspaper=[[The Philadelphia Inquirer]] | date=May 18, 1975 | page=7–E | via=Newspapers.com}}</ref>  McGovern's stance brought immediate criticism from some quarters; syndicated columnist [[John D. Lofton, Jr.]] said it proved that McGovern was "the most immoral hypocrite on the American political scene today."<ref>{{cite news | url=https://www.newspapers.com/image/173226335/?terms=mcgovern%2B%22of%2Bthe%2Brefugees%22%2B%22better%2Boff%22 | title=Quotes from the past: His words have a hollow ring | first=John D. Jr. | last=Lofton | newspaper=The Philadelphia Inquirer | date=May 18, 1975 | page=7–E | via=Newspapers.com}}</ref>  McGovern objected to what he termed distorted interpretations of his proposal, but newspaper publisher [[Creed C. Black]] considered the criticism fair.<ref>{{cite news | url=https://www.newspapers.com/image/173226335/?terms=mcgovern%2B%22of%2Bthe%2Brefugees%22%2B%22better%2Boff%22 | title=McGovern is, indeed, hypocritical on the refugee issue | first=Creed C. | last=Black | newspaper=The Philadelphia Inquirer | date=May 18, 1975 | page=7–E | via=Newspapers.com}}</ref>

Following his Senate re-election victory, McGovern harbored thoughts of running in the [[1976 U.S. presidential election]]. Given the magnitude of his defeat in 1972, very few in the Democratic Party wanted him as a presidential candidate again.<ref name="wapo-might"/><ref>Marano, ''Vote Your Conscience'', p. 17.</ref> Unfamiliar and uncomfortable with Democratic nominee [[Jimmy Carter]], McGovern secretly voted for Ford instead.{{refn|McGovern did not publicly reveal his vote for the Republican Ford until 2007, after the former president's death, and said that without his knowledge his family had done the same thing. He later voted for Carter in the [[1980 United States presidential election|1980 presidential election]].<ref name="lkl-trans">{{cite news | url=http://archives.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0701/02/lkl.01.html | title=Farewell To President Ford (transcript) | work=[[Larry King Live]] | publisher=CNN | date=January 2, 2007| archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070622161727/http://archives.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0701/02/lkl.01.html | archive-date=June 22, 2007}}</ref>|group="nb"}} McGovern's view on intervention in Southeast Asia took a turn in 1978 in reaction to the ongoing [[Cambodian genocide]]. Noting that it affected a percentage of the population that made "Hitler's operation look tame", he advocated an international military intervention in Cambodia to put the [[Khmer Rouge]] regime out of power.<ref>{{cite news | url=https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1350&dat=19780822&id=UjBPAAAAIBAJ&pg=4151,2001683 | newspaper = [[The Blade (Toledo)|The Blade]] | location=Toledo, Ohio | title = McGovern Cites Genocide, Asks Cambodia Intervention | date=August 22, 1978 | agency=[[Associated Press]]}}</ref>

[[Image:Senator Bob Dole and Senator George McGovern.jpg|thumb|left|McGovern with Bob Dole (second from left) and other senators]]

McGovern's Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs expanded its scope to include national nutrition policy. In 1977, it issued a new set of nutritional guidelines for Americans that sought to combat leading killer health conditions.<ref name="NYTObit"/><ref name="nestle"/><ref name="brody">{{cite book | last=Brody | first=Jane | author-link=Jane Brody | title=Jane Brody's Nutrition Book | publisher=[[W. W. Norton & Company]] | location=New York | isbn=0-393-01429-0 | pages=[https://archive.org/details/janebrodysnutri000brod/page/9 9–11] | url=https://archive.org/details/janebrodysnutri000brod/page/9 | year=1981 }}</ref> Titled ''Dietary Goals for the United States'', but also known as the "McGovern Report",<ref name="NYTObit">{{cite news |author=Pearce, Jeremy |url= https://www.nytimes.com/2009/07/09/health/09hegsted.html |title=D. Mark Hegsted, 95, Harvard Nutritionist, Is Dead |newspaper=The New York Times |date= July 8, 2009}}</ref> it suggested that Americans eat less fat, less cholesterol, less refined and processed sugars, and more complex carbohydrates and fiber.<ref name="brody"/> While many public health officials had said all of this for some time, the committee's issuance of the guidelines gave it higher public profile.<ref name="brody"/> The recommendations proved controversial with the cattle, dairy, egg, and sugar industries, including from McGovern's home state.<ref name="nestle">{{cite book | title=Food Politics: How the Food Industry Influences Nutrition and Health | first=Marion | last=Nestle | edition=2nd | publisher=[[University of California Press]] | year=2007 | isbn=978-0-520-25403-9 | pages=38–42}}</ref> The McGovern committee guidelines led to reorganization of some federal executive functions<ref name="brody"/> and became the predecessor to the more detailed [[Dietary Guidelines for Americans]] later issued twice a decade by the [[Center for Nutrition Policy and Promotion]].<ref name="NYTObit"/>

In [[1980 United States Senate election in South Dakota|1980]], McGovern was one of several liberal Democratic senators targeted for defeat by the [[National Conservative Political Action Committee]] (NCPAC), which put out a year's worth of negative advertising about McGovern.<ref>Marano, ''Vote Your Conscience'', pp. 22–23.</ref> It and other [[United States anti-abortion movement|anti-abortion]] groups especially focused on McGovern's support for [[United States abortion-rights movement|abortion rights]] laws.<ref name="nyt110580">{{cite news |url= http://select.nytimes.com/mem/archive/pdf?res=F10B10F63B5C11728DDDAC0894D9415B8084F1D3 |title= McGovern Fails in Attempt At Fourth Term as Senator |author=Petersen, Iver |newspaper=The New York Times |date=November 5, 1980 |page=A21}}</ref> McGovern faced a Democratic primary challenge for the first time, from a pro-life candidate.<ref>Marano, ''Vote Your Conscience'', p. 27.</ref> McGovern's Republican opponent was [[James Abdnor]], a four-term incumbent congressman who held identical positions to McGovern's on farm issues, was solidly conservative on national issues, and was well liked within the state.<ref name="nyt110580"/><ref>Marano, ''Vote Your Conscience'', p. 29.</ref> Abdnor's campaign focused on both McGovern's liberal voting record and what it said was McGovern's lack of involvement in South Dakota affairs.<ref name="nyt110580"/> McGovern made an issue of NCPAC's outside involvement, and that group eventually withdrew from the campaign after Abdnor denounced a letter it had sent out.<ref name="nyt110580"/> Far behind in the polls earlier, McGovern outspent Abdnor two-to-one and repeatedly criticized Abdnor's refusal to debate him, thereby drawing attention to a slight speech defect Abdnor had.<ref name="nyt110580"/><ref name="marano-32">Marano, ''Vote Your Conscience'', p. 32.</ref> Showing the comeback pattern of some of his past races in the state, McGovern closed the gap for a while.<ref name="time111780"/> In November 1980, McGovern was defeated for re-election, winning only 39 percent of the vote to Abdnor's 58 percent.<ref name="marano-32"/> In what became known as the "[[Reagan Revolution]]", McGovern was one of many Democratic casualties of that year's Republican sweep.<ref name="time111780">{{cite news | url=http://www.time.com/time/subscriber/printout/0,8816,950490,00.html | archive-url=https://archive.today/20130204155308/http://www.time.com/time/subscriber/printout/0,8816,950490,00.html | url-status=dead | archive-date=February 4, 2013 | title=Nation: Reagan Gets a G.O.P Senate | magazine=[[Time (magazine)|Time]] | date=November 17, 1980}}</ref>