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===Gender stereotypes=== {{See also|Sexism#Gender stereotypes|Implicit stereotype#Gender stereotypes|Stereotypes}} [[File:Glaspalast München 1883 064.jpg|thumb|An 1883 German illustration of children playing house]] A 1992 study tested gender stereotypes and labeling within young children in the [[United States]].<ref name="fagot">{{Cite journal | last1 = Fagot | first1 = Beverly I. | last2 = Leinbach | first2 = Mary D. | last3 = O'Boyle | first3 = Cherie | title = Gender labeling, gender stereotyping, and parenting behaviors | url = https://archive.org/details/sim_developmental-psychology_1992-03_28_2/page/225 | journal = [[Developmental Psychology (journal)|Developmental Psychology]] | volume = 28 | issue = 2 | pages = 225–230 | doi = 10.1037/0012-1649.28.2.225 | date = March 1992 }}</ref> Fagot ''et al.'' divided this into two different studies; the first investigated how children identified the differences between gender labels of boys and girls, the second study looked at both gender labeling and stereotyping in the relationship of mother and child.<ref name="fagot"/> Within the first study, 23 children between the ages of two and seven underwent a series of gender labeling and gender stereotyping tests: the children viewed either pictures of males and females or objects such as a hammer or a broom, then identified or labeled those to a certain gender. The results of these tests showed that children under three years could make gender-stereotypic associations.<ref name="fagot" /> The second study looked at gender labeling and stereotyping in the relationship of mother and child using three separate methods. The first consisted of identifying gender labeling and stereotyping, essentially the same method as the first study. The second consisted of behavioral observations, which looked at ten-minute play sessions with mother and child using gender-specific toys. The third study used a series of questionnaires such as an "Attitude Toward Women Scale", "[[Personal Attributes Questionnaire]]", and "Schaefer and Edgerton Scale" which looked at the family values of the mother.<ref name="fagot" /> The results of these studies showed the same as the first study with regards to labeling and stereotyping. They also identified in the second method that the mothers' positive reactions and responses to same-sex or opposite-sex toys played a role in how children identified them. Within the third method the results found that the mothers of the children who passed the "Gender Labeling Test" had more traditional family values. These two studies, conducted by Beverly I. Fagot, Mar D. Leinbach and Cherie O'Boyle, showed that gender stereotyping and labeling is acquired at a very young age, and that social interactions and associations play a large role in how genders are identified.<ref name="fagot" /> [[Virginia Woolf]], in the 1920s, made the point: "It is obvious that the values of women differ very often from the values which have been made by the other sex. Yet it is the masculine values that prevail",<ref>{{cite book |last = Woolf | first = Virginia | author-link = Virginia Woolf | title = A room of one's own | publisher = Hogarth Press | location = New York | year = 1929 | page = 76 | oclc = 31499943| title-link = A Room of One's Own }}</ref> remade sixty years later by psychologist [[Carol Gilligan]] who used it to show that psychological tests of maturity have generally been based on masculine parameters, and so tended to show that women were less 'mature'. Gilligan countered this in her ground-breaking work, ''[[In a Different Voice]]'', holding that maturity in women is shown in terms of different, but equally important, human values.<ref>{{cite book | last = Gilligan |first = Carol | author-link = Carol Gilligan | title = In a different voice |publisher = Harvard University Press | location = Cambridge, Massachusetts | year = 2009 | isbn = 978-0-674-44544-4|title-link = In a Different Voice }}</ref> [[File:Mixed stereotype content model (Fiske et al.).png|thumb|300px|Stereotype content model, adapted from [[Susan Fiske|Fiske]] et al. (2002): Four types of stereotypes resulting from combinations of perceived warmth and competence.<ref>{{Cite journal | last1 = Fiske | first1 = Susan T. | last2 = Cuddy | first2 = Amy J.C. |last3 = Glick | first3 = Peter | last4 = Xu | first4 = Jun | author-link1 = Susan Fiske | title = A model of (often mixed) stereotype content: Competence and warmth respectively follow from perceived status and competition | journal = [[Journal of Personality and Social Psychology]] | volume = 82 | issue = 6 | pages = 878–902 | doi = 10.1037/0022-3514.82.6.878 | date = June 2002 | pmid=12051578| citeseerx = 10.1.1.320.4001 | s2cid = 17057403 |url=http://www.cos.gatech.edu/facultyres/Diversity_Studies/Fiske_StereotypeContent.pdf |archive-url=https://ghostarchive.org/archive/20221009/http://www.cos.gatech.edu/facultyres/Diversity_Studies/Fiske_StereotypeContent.pdf |archive-date=2022-10-09 |url-status=live}}</ref>]] Gender stereotypes are extremely common in society.<ref>{{cite web | last = Brewer | first = Holly | title = List of gender stereotypes | url = http://www.healthguidance.org/entry/15910/1/List-of-Gender-Stereotypes.html | date = 2012}}</ref><ref>{{cite web | title = Gender and gender identity at a glance | url = http://www.plannedparenthood.org/health-topics/sexual-orientation-gender/gender-gender-identity-26530.htm | website = plannedparenthood.org | publisher = Planned Parenthood Federation of America Inc. | date = 2012 | access-date = 4 April 2015 | archive-date = 4 March 2014 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20140304202825/http://www.plannedparenthood.org/health-topics/sexual-orientation-gender/gender-gender-identity-26530.htm | url-status = dead }}</ref> One of the reasons this may be is simply because it is easier on the brain to stereotype (see [[Heuristics in judgment and decision-making|Heuristics]]). The brain has limited perceptual and memory systems, so it categorizes information into fewer and simpler units which allows for more efficient information processing.<ref>{{Cite journal | last1 = Martin | first1 = Carol Lynn | last2 = Halverson | first2 = Charles F. Jr. | title = A schematic processing model of sex typing and stereotyping in children | journal = [[Child Development (journal)|Child Development]] | volume = 52 | issue = 4 | pages = 1119–1134 | doi = 10.2307/1129498 | jstor = 1129498 | date = December 1981 }}</ref> Gender stereotypes appear to have an effect at an early age. In one study, the effects of gender stereotypes on children's mathematical abilities were tested. In this study of American children between the ages of six and ten, it was found that the children, as early as the [[second grade]], demonstrated the gender stereotype that mathematics is a 'boy's subject'. This may show that the mathematical self-belief is influenced before the age in which there are discernible differences in mathematical achievement.<ref name="Cvencek">{{Cite journal | last1 = Cvencek | first1 = Dario | last2 = Meltzoff | first2 = Andrew N. | last3 = Greenwald | first3 = Anthony G. | title = Math–gender stereotypes in elementary school children | journal = [[Child Development (journal)|Child Development]] | volume = 82 | issue = 3 | pages = 766–779 | doi = 10.1111/j.1467-8624.2010.01529.x | pmid = 21410915 | date = May–June 2011 | citeseerx = 10.1.1.300.2757 }}</ref> According to the 1972 study by Jean Lipman-Blumen, women who grew up following traditional gender-roles from childhood were less likely to want to be highly educated while women brought up with the view that men and women are equal were more likely to want higher education. This result indicates that gender roles that have been passed down traditionally can influence stereotypes about gender.<ref>{{Cite journal | last = Lipman-Blumen | first = Jean | title = How ideology shapes women's lives | url = https://archive.org/details/sim_scientific-american_1972-01_226_1/page/34 | journal = [[Scientific American]] | volume = 226 | issue = 1 | pages = 34–42 | doi = 10.1038/scientificamerican0172-34 | date = January 1972 | bibcode = 1972SciAm.226a..34L }}</ref><ref>{{cite journal |date=9 July 2015 |first1 = Leigh|last1 = Goodmark|first2 = Juanita|last2 = Flores|first3 = Julie |last3 = Goldscheid|first4 = Andrea |last4 = Ritchie |last5=SpearIt |title=Plenary 2—Redefining Gender Violence |url= https://repository.law.miami.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1039&context=umrsjlr |journal= University of Miami Race & Social Justice Law Review |volume=5 |page=289 |ssrn=2628984}}</ref> In a later study, Deaux and her colleagues (1984) found that most people think women are ''more'' ''nurturant'', but ''less self-assertive'' than men, and that this belief is indicated universally, but that this awareness is related to women's ''role''. To put it another way, women do not have an ''inherently'' nurturant personality, rather that a nurturing personality is acquired by whoever happens to be doing the housework.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Deaux |first1=Kay |last2=Lewis |first2=Laurie L. |title=Structure of gender stereotypes: interrelationships among components and gender label |journal=[[Journal of Personality and Social Psychology]] |volume=46 |issue=5 |pages=991–1004 |doi=10.1037/0022-3514.46.5.991 |date=May 1984}}</ref> A study of gender stereotypes by Jacobs (1991) found that parents' stereotypes interact with the sex of their child to directly influence the parents' beliefs about the child's abilities. In turn, parents' beliefs about their child directly influence their child's self-perceptions, and both the parents' stereotypes and the child's self-perceptions influence the child's performance.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Jacobs |first=Janis E. |title=Influence of gender stereotypes on parent and child mathematics attitudes |journal=[[Journal of Educational Psychology]] |volume=83 |issue=4 |pages=518–527 |doi=10.1037/0022-0663.83.4.518 |date=December 1991}}</ref> [[Stereotype threat]] involves the risk of confirming, as self-characteristic, a negative stereotype about one's group.<ref name="SteeleAronson">{{Cite journal |last1=Steele |first1=Claude M. |last2=Aronson |first2=Joshua |author1-link=Claude Steele |title=Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans |journal=[[Journal of Personality and Social Psychology]] |volume=69 |issue=5 |pages=797–811 |doi=10.1037/0022-3514.69.5.797 |pmid=7473032 |date=November 1995 |s2cid=4665022 |url=http://users.nber.org/~sewp/events/2005.01.14/Bios+Links/Good-rec2-Steele_&_Aronson_95.pdf}}</ref> In the case of gender it is the implicit belief in gender stereotype that women perform worse than men in mathematics, which is proposed to lead to lower performance by women.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Spencer |first1=Steven J. |last2=Steele |first2=Claude M. |last3=Quinn |first3=Diane M. |author2-link=Claude Steele |title=Stereotype threat and women's math performance |journal=[[Journal of Experimental Social Psychology]] |volume=35 |issue=1 |pages=4–28 |doi=10.1006/jesp.1998.1373 |date=January 1999 |citeseerx=10.1.1.370.3979 |s2cid=12556019 |url=http://www.leedsbeckett.ac.uk/carnegie/learning_resources/LAW_PGCHE/SteeleandQuinnStereotypeThreat.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160108184501/http://www.leedsbeckett.ac.uk/carnegie/learning_resources/LAW_PGCHE/SteeleandQuinnStereotypeThreat.pdf |archive-date=8 January 2016}}</ref> A review article of stereotype threat research (2012) relating to the relationship between gender and mathematical abilities concluded "that although stereotype threat may affect some women, the existing state of knowledge does not support the current level of enthusiasm for this [as a] mechanism underlying the gender gap in mathematics".<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Stoet |first1=Gijsbert |last2=Geary |first2=David C. |title=Can stereotype threat explain the gender gap in mathematics performance and achievement? |journal=[[Review of General Psychology]] |volume=16 |issue=1 |pages=93–102 |doi=10.1037/a0026617 |date=March 2012 |s2cid=145724069}}</ref> In 2018, Jolien A. van Breen and colleagues conducted research into [[Subliminal stimuli|subliminal]] gender stereotyping. Researchers took participants through a fictional "Moral Choice Dilemma Task", which presented eight scenarios "in which sacrificing one person can save several others of unspecified gender. In four scenarios, participants are asked to sacrifice a man to save several others (of unspecified gender), and in four other scenarios they are asked to sacrifice a woman." The results showed that women who identified as feminists were more willing to 'sacrifice' men than women who did not identify as feminists.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Jolien A. |first1=van Breen |last2=Spears |first2=Russell |last3=Kuppens |first3=Toon |last4=de Lemus |first4=Soledad |title=Subliminal gender stereotypes: who can resist? |journal=[[Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin]] |volume=44 |issue=12 |pages=1648–1663 |doi=10.1177/0146167218771895 |pmid=29781373 |date=May 2018 |s2cid=29170275 |url=https://pure.rug.nl/ws/files/76613806/0146167218771895.pdf}} [Epub ahead of print]</ref> "If a person wanted to counteract that and 'level the playing field', that can be done either by boosting women or by downgrading men", said van Breen. "So I think that this effect on evaluations of men arises because our participants are trying to achieve an underlying aim: counteracting gender stereotypes."<ref>{{cite news |last=Airaksinen |first=Toni |title=STUDY: Feminists more willing to 'sacrifice' men |url=https://www.campusreform.org/?ID=10984 |work=[[Campus Reform]] |publisher=[[Leadership Institute]] |date=5 June 2018 |access-date=11 June 2018}} </ref> According to Professor Lei Chang, gender attitudes within the domains of work and domestic roles, can be measured using a cross-cultural gender role attitudes test. Psychological processes of the East have historically been analysed using Western models (or ''instruments'') that have been translated, which potentially, is a more far-reaching process than linguistic translation. Some North American instruments for assessing gender role attitudes include: * Attitudes Towards Women Scale, * Sex-Role Egalitarian Scale, and * Sex-Role Ideology Scale. Through such tests, it is known that American southerners exhibit less egalitarian gender views than their northern counterparts, demonstrating that gender views are inevitably affected by an individual's culture. This also may differ among compatriots whose 'cultures' are a few hundred miles apart.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Chang |first1=Lei |year=1999 |title=Gender Role Egalitarian Attitudes in Beijing, Hong Kong, Florida, and Michigan |journal=[[Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology]] |volume=30 |issue=6 |pages=722–741 |doi=10.1177/0022022199030006004 |s2cid=145646892}}</ref> Although existing studies have generally focused on gender views or attitudes that are work-related, there has so far not been a study on specific domestic roles. Supporting Hofstede's 1980 findings, that "high masculinity cultures are associated with low percentages of women holding professional and technical employment", test values for work-related egalitarianism were lower for Chinese than for Americans.<ref>Hofstede</ref>{{Specify|date=July 2016}} This is supported by the proportion of women that held professional jobs in China (far less than that of America), the data clearly indicating the limitations on opportunities open to women in contemporary Eastern society. In contrast, there was no difference between the viewpoint of Chinese and Americans regarding domestic gender roles. A study by Richard Bagozzi, Nancy Wong and Youjae Yi, examines the interaction between culture and gender that produces distinct patterns of association between positive and negative emotions.<ref name="Bag"/> The United States was considered a more 'independence-based culture', while China was considered {{'}}'''''inter'''''dependence-based'. In the US people tend to experience emotions in terms of opposition whereas in China, they do so in dialectical terms (i.e., those of logical argumentation and contradictory forces). The study continued with sets of psychological tests among university students in Beijing and in Michigan. The fundamental goals of the research were to show that "gender differences in emotions are adaptive for the differing roles that males and females play in the culture". The evidence for differences in gender role was found during the [[socialization]] in work experiment, proving that "women are socialized to be more expressive of their feelings and to show this to a greater extent in facial expressions and gestures, as well as by verbal means".<ref name="Bag">{{cite journal |last1=Bagozzi |first1=Richard P. |last2=Wong |first2=Nancy |last3=Yi |first3=Youjae |year=1999 |title=The Role of Culture and Gender in the Relationship between Positive and Negative Affect |journal=Cognition & Emotion |volume=13 |issue=6 |pages=641–672 |doi=10.1080/026999399379023}}</ref> The study extended to the biological characteristics of both gender groups — for a higher association between PA and NA hormones in memory for women, the cultural patterns became more evident for women than for men.
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