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===Supporters and opponents=== [[File:Programme of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) approved at the 8th Party Congress (1919).jpg|thumb|200px|Program of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), 1919]] The Bolsheviks were supported, although not without criticism of their political practice,{{sfn|Plimak|2004|p=189–198}}<ref>Some of the mistakes of this criticism were examined by [[György Lukács|Georg Lukács]] in his work «Critical Notes on the Brochure of Rosa Luxemburg "Russian Revolution"» // Georg Lukacs. History and Class Consciousness. Moscow: Logos–Altera, 2003. Pages 346–365</ref> by [[Left-wing politics|left–wing]] theorists in Europe, such as [[Rosa Luxemburg]] and [[Karl Liebknecht]]. At the same time, this political trend rejected the [[Centrism|centrist]] [[Social democracy|social democrats]], for example, [[Karl Kautsky]]<ref>[[Karl Kautsky]]. [http://revarchiv.narod.ru/kautsky/oeuvre/fromdemocracy.html From Democracy to State Slavery]</ref> and the extreme left supporters of "[[Council communism|workers' council communism]]", for example, [[Otto Rühle (politician, 1874)|Otto Rühle]]<ref>[[Otto Rühle (politician, 1874)|Otto Rühle]]. [http://www.avtonom.org/lib/theory/leftcom/ruhle1.html The Fight Against Fascism Begins With the Fight Against Bolshevism]</ref><ref>[[Otto Rühle (politician, 1874)|Otto Rühle]]. [http://revolt.anho.org/archives/267 The Main Questions of the Organization] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090524070802/http://revolt.anho.org/archives/267 |date=May 24, 2009 }}</ref> and [[Antonie Pannekoek]].<ref>[[Antonie Pannekoek]]. [http://www.left-dis.nl/r/apparty.htm "Party and Class"]</ref> The answer to the extreme leftist criticism was given by Lenin in the brochure "Childhood Illness of "Leftism" in Communism", in turn [[Antonie Pannekoek]] answered to Vladimir Lenin in the work "World Revolution and Communist Tactics". In the 1920s and 1930s, the [[Left Opposition]] to [[Joseph Stalin|Stalin]] adopted the self–designation "[[Bolsheviks|Bolshevik]]–[[Leninism|Leninists]]", thereby emphasizing its continuity with the revolutionary tradition as opposed to [[Thermidor]]ian [[Stalinism]]. After the [[Great Purge|political trials of the 1930s]], most of the "Leninist Guards" were [[Political repression|repressed]]. Proceeding from this, there is an opinion that Bolshevism as a phenomenon has left the historical scene:<ref name="Tarasov"/> {{quote|...[Stalin] managed to destroy almost all of [[Vladimir Lenin|Lenin]]'s comrades–in–arms in [[Soviet Union|Russia]], becoming by 1928–1939 "the Russian Bonaparte–[[Maximilien Robespierre|Robespierre]]" in the country, "especially double types of cultures of the [[Feudalism|pre–bourgeois order]], that is, the cultures of the [[Chinovnik|bureaucratic]], [[serfdom]]" (and [[Terrorism|terrorist]] – we add), which [[Vladimir Lenin|Lenin]] feared so much, grew up in the country.<ref>Vladimir Lenin. Full Composition of Writings. Volume 45. Pages 389</ref>{{sfn|Plimak|2004|p=289}}}} But on the other hand, a number of scientists are of the opinion that Bolshevism has undergone changes over time, and as a phenomenon, it ended only in the early 1990s.<ref name="ioffe">Heinrich Ioffe. [http://www.nkj.ru/archive/articles/1345/ The Rise and Fall of Bolshevism]</ref> Some modern scholars agree that Bolshevism: {{Quote|...was a desperate attempt to escape from the world of the [[Bourgeoisie|bourgeois]] and [[Burgher (title)|philistine]]. (This, incidentally, refutes the assertion that Bolshevism is equated with [[fascism]]. Fascism, unlike Bolshevism, was based on philistinism – its flesh and spirit).<ref name="ioffe"/>}} In Western political science, some authors analyze Bolshevism from the standpoint of similarities and differences with [[fascism]] and [[Nazism]].<ref>Zwei Gesichter des Totalitarismus: Bolschewismus und Nationalsozialismus im Vergleich; 16 Skizzen / Leonid Luks. — Köln [u.a.]: Böhlau, 2007. — 306 S.; 23 cm. — {{ISBN|978-3-412-20007-7}}</ref><ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.politstudies.ru/N2004fulltext/1991/4/6.htm|title=Archived copy (I)|access-date=August 23, 2020|archive-date=June 5, 2009|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090605215839/http://www.politstudies.ru/N2004fulltext/1991/4/6.htm}} {{cite web|url=http://www.politstudies.ru/N2004fulltext/1991/3/6.htm|title=Archived Copy (II)|access-date=August 23, 2020|archive-date=June 5, 2009|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090605221908/http://www.politstudies.ru/N2004fulltext/1991/3/6.htm}} Leonid Lux. Communist Theorists About Fascism: Insights And Miscalculations</ref> According to [[Sociology|sociologist]] Boris Kagarlitsky, one of the central contradictions of the post–revolutionary policy of the Bolsheviks is defined as a consequence of the historically developed socio–political situation in Russia: {{Quote|But events did not develop at the will of one person or even one party. Both Lenin himself and his comrades were already hostages of the revolutionary process, which was moving forward according to its own logic. To win in the struggle that had begun, they had to do what they themselves did not expect of themselves, to build a [[State (polity)|state]] that only partially met their ideas about what to strive for, but which allowed the revolution to survive and win.<ref>[[Boris Kagarlitsky]]. Marxism: Not Recommended for Teaching. Moscow: Algorithm, Eksmo, 2005. Page 55</ref>}} In journalism, some authors also understand it as a synonym for extreme extremism, ideological fanaticism, intolerance, and a propensity for violence.<ref>The Latest Philosophical Dictionary / Compiled by Alexander Gritsanov – Minsk: V. M. Skakun Publishing House, 1999 – 896 Pages</ref>
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