Editing Amadeo I of Spain (section)

=== Second year ===
[[File:Don_carlos_de_borbón_nypl.jpg|left|thumb|[[Carlos de Borbón y Austria-Este|Carlos María de Borbón y Austria-Este]], the [[Carlism|Carlist]] pretender to Carlos VII.]][[File:RuizZorrilla.png|thumb|[[Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla]].]]

In 1872, persistent government crises worsened political and parliamentary stability, undermining Amadeo I's monarchy. Historian Ángel Bahamonde observes, "If in 1871 there had been a succession of government crises, in 1872 the persistence of the same crises led to a progressive deterioration of political and parliamentary life," with dire consequences for the Savoy dynasty.{{Sfn|Bahamonde|1996|p=80}}

==== Sagasta's Government: The Constitutional Conservatives in Power ====
[[File:Praxedes sagasta.jpg|thumb|[[Práxedes Mateo Sagasta]].]]

On December 21, 1871, [[Práxedes Mateo Sagasta]] formed a government, initially offering [[Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla]]’s Radicals four of eight cabinet posts—half the government—to unify Progressives. The Radicals declined, unwilling to abandon their alliance with Democrats ({{Interlanguage link|Cimbrios|es|Cimbrios (política)}}) or their “benevolent pact” with Republicans. At a meeting, Ruiz Zorrilla told Sagasta, “I am more than a progressive, I am a radical.” Sagasta then allied with General [[Francisco Serrano, 1st Duke of la Torre|Serrano]]’s [[Liberal Union (Spain)|Unionists]], who joined with one portfolio—[[Juan Bautista Topete|Admiral Topete]] as Minister of Overseas Territories. Most posts went to “historical” Progressives: [[José Malcampo, 3rd Marquess of San Rafael|José Malcampo]] (War and Navy), [[Bonifacio de Blas y Muñoz|Bonifacio de Blas]] (Interior), and others like Santiago de Angulo, Francisco de Paula Angulo, and Alonso Colmenares.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=222-223; 226}}

[[File:Preparándose para el día 22, de Pellicer.jpg|left|thumb|Cartoon by [[Josep Lluís Pellicer]], Preparing for the 22nd, {{Interlanguage link|Gil Blas (Madrid)|es|Gil Blas}}, January 14, 1872, showing [[Francesc Pi i Margall]] and Sagasta.]]

On January 22, 1872, Sagasta presented his government to the Cortes, labeling it “progressive-conservative.” He aimed to balance the [[Spanish Constitution of 1869|1869 Constitution]]’s rights with order, defending the monarchy as “the essential foundation of public liberties.” He proposed a two-party system of “loyal and benevolent” parties—one more progressive, one less so, both liberal-conservative. The Cortes rejected it, but with more dynastic votes in favor, Amadeo granted Sagasta a dissolution decree for new elections to secure a majority. Radicals rallied with “Radicals defend yourselves!” and “God save the country! God save the dynasty! God save freedom!” while Republicans declared, “The King has broken with Parliament, today the Savoy dynasty ends.”{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=232-235}}

Radicals blamed a palace camarilla—Italian advisers like Dragonetti and {{Interlanguage link|Nicolás Ronchi|es|Nicolás Ronchi}}, conservatives, and Queen Maria Vittoria's neo-Catholic allies—for blocking their power. On January 23, Ruiz Zorrilla criticized the king in the Cortes, invoking a “right to revolt” against threatened freedoms. Radical newspapers turned on Amadeo, and leaders boycotted palace lunches (except [[Segismundo Moret|Moret]]). At a February 2 rally, [[José Echegaray]] demanded the [[Royal Palace of Madrid|Palacio de Oriente]] “open its windows” to freedom, while [[El Imparcial (1867–1933)|El Imparcial]] (February 22) likened Amadeo's rule to [[Isabella II]]’s, branding Sagasta's ministry “reactionary.”{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=285-287}} Radical [[Francisco Salmerón]] wrote to his father in January 1872:

“The palace is not hostile, for the king delights in courtesans; and the queen in neo-politics. The infamous Sagasta is waging an implacable war against the Radicals... We go into the electoral struggle with the proof of defeat; then, in retreat, we shall witness the catastrophe.”

===== Birth of the Constitutional Party and the “National Coalition” =====
[[File:A las urnas, de Pellicer.jpg|thumb|Caricature by [[Josep Lluís Pellicer]], La coalición nacional, {{Interlanguage link|Gil Blas (Madrid)|es|Gil Blas}}, March 10, 1872.]]

Sagasta's Progressives and Unionists formed an electoral committee on January 22, issuing a manifesto summarizing the government's program. Unionists pushed for a single party, but Sagasta envisioned a “third party” blending both sides to reunite Progressives. Amadeo intervened, tasking Unionist [[José Luis Albareda y Sezde|José Luis Albareda]] with drafting a plan for a Conservative Party to alternate with Radicals. Facing royal pressure—and after briefly resigning—Sagasta relented. On February 21, 1872, the [[Constitutional Party (Spain)|Constitutional Party]] emerged, aiming to defend “Liberty, the Constitution of 1869, the dynasty of Amadeo I, and territorial integrity.” The reshuffled cabinet balanced four Progressives and three Unionists under Sagasta.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=237-244}}

The Radicals, seeking to topple the government, expanded their December 1871 “National Coalition” with Republicans to include Carlists and later [[Moderate Party (Spain)|Alfonsist Moderates]]. United by the goal of “defeating the government, the fruit of immorality and lies,” they used patriotic slogans like “Spain for the Spaniards,” championed by Republican [[Emilio Castelar]]. The coalition agreed to field one candidate per district—favoring the strongest prior performer—to maximize votes.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=287-291}}

===== Elections of April 1872 =====
[[File:Laflaca caciquismo.jpg|thumb|Cartoon from La Carcajada, April 18, 1872, mocking Sagasta's electoral fraud.]]

The [[April 1872 Spanish general election|April 2 elections]] delivered the Constitutionalists over 200 seats, with Unionists outnumbering Progressives, bolstering Serrano's influence. Victory came via “moral influence”—electoral manipulation—despite Amadeo's plea for fairness, to which Sagasta replied, “as pure as they can be in Spain.” A circular to governors outlined tactics: buying votes, crowding polling stations with loyalists, and using police to suppress dissent.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=244-245}}{{Sfn|Nieto|2021|p=14}} The National Coalition secured nearly 150 seats—Radicals 42, Republicans, Carlists, and Alfonsists combined—amid high abstention and unrest in Carlist (Basque, Navarre) and Federalist (Mediterranean) regions. The Radicals’ poor showing questioned Ruiz Zorrilla's leadership, pushing some toward abandoning legal means.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=245-246}}{{Sfn|Fontana|2007|p=369}}

The elections finalized the [[Progressive Party (Spain)|Progressive Party]]’s split: Sagasta's faction merged with Unionists into the Constitutional Party, while Ruiz Zorrilla led the [[Radical Democratic Party (Spain)|Radical Party]] with Democrats (cimbrios), including [[Cristino Martos y Balbí|Cristino Martos]] and [[Nicolás María Rivero]].{{Sfn|Bahamonde|1996|pp=75-76}}

==== Carlist Uprising ====
[[File:Don carlos de borbón nypl.jpg|thumb|[[Carlos de Borbón y Austria-Este|Carlos VII]], Carlist pretender.]]

In the [[April 1872 Spanish general election|April 1872 elections]], Carlists dropped from 51 to 38 seats, empowering their insurrectionist faction over {{Interlanguage link|Cándido Nocedal|es|Cándido Nocedal}}’s neo-Catholic legalists. Their March 8 manifesto hinted at war: “now to the ballot box, then to wherever God calls us.”{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|p=245}} On April 14, [[Carlos de Borbón y Austria-Este|Carlos VII]] ordered elected deputies to boycott the Cortes and launched the [[Third Carlist War]], planned as a fallback if Nocedal's parliamentary strategy failed. Nocedal resigned immediately. In a manifesto, Carlos VII rallied Spaniards:

“The holy religion of our fathers is persecuted... anarchy triumphs, the treasury is plundered... If this continues, the poor will be left without bread and Spain without honour... For the sake of our God, our country, and your King, rise up, Spaniards!”

[[File:Ouverture des Cortès, Madrid, a la fin du discours du Roi, les députés poussent le cri «Mort aux carlistes», de Vierge.jpg|thumb|Deputies shout “Death to the Carlists,” May 1872, [[Le Monde illustré|Le Monde Illustré]].]]

On May 2, Carlos VII entered Spain via [[Bera, Navarre|Vera de Bidasoa]], proclaiming “Down with the foreigner and long live Spain!” Defeated at the {{Interlanguage link|Battle of Oroquieta|es|Batalla de Oroquieta}} on May 4, he fled to France. General [[Francisco Serrano, 1st Duke of la Torre|Serrano]], commanding the northern army, signed the {{Interlanguage link|Amorebieta Convention|es|Convenio de Amorebieta}} on May 24 with Biscay's Carlist deputies, ending Basque-Aragon fighting via amnesty and reinstating rebel officers—a move criticized as overly lenient by the military, Radicals, and Republicans.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=254-256}} Catalonia's Carlist activity persisted, with Carlos VII promising to restore Catalan fueros on June 16, until a new Basque-Aragon uprising in December 1872; the war outlasted Amadeo's reign, ending in 1876.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|p=256}}{{Sfn|López-Cordón|1976|p=46}}

==== Fall of the Sagasta Government and the “Lightning” Government of Serrano: The End of the Conservative Project ====
[[File:Francisco-serrano.jpg|thumb|General [[Francisco Serrano, 1st Duke of la Torre|Serrano]].]]

Sagasta's government faltered in May 1872 after a scandal over two million reales diverted from the Overseas to Interior Ministry, likely for electoral fraud via {{Interlanguage link|Lazarus of Bethany#Raising of Lazarus|lázaros|es|Lázaros (elecciones)}}—votes cast by the dead. Rumors also tied it to a hushed-up affair involving Amadeo or Serrano's circle, though corruption was the probable cause.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|p=248}}{{Sfn|Fontana|2007|p=369}} Sagasta's defense—claiming reserved payments to thwart conspiracies—relied on forged documents, exposing illegalities. Denied a confidence vote by his majority, including Unionists more irked by the breach than the funds, Sagasta resigned on May 22.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|p=250}}{{Sfn|Fontana|2007|p=369}}

On May 26, Amadeo appointed Serrano, then fighting Carlists, as president, assuming his coalition's Cortes majority held. Serrano's cabinet mixed three ex-Progressives and five ex-Unionists, including an [[Alfonsism|Alfonsist]] from [[Antonio Cánovas del Castillo]]’s faction. [[Juan Bautista Topete|Admiral Topete]] presented it to Congress on May 27, as Serrano was delayed. Unexpectedly, [[Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla]] pledged “loyal, legal, and respectful opposition,” accepting constitutional monarchy rules—a shift contested by Radicals like [[Cristino Martos y Balbí|Cristino Martos]], who rejected waiting years for power or aiding “reaction.” Unsupported, Ruiz Zorrilla resigned his seat on May 31 after meeting Amadeo for his birthday, retiring to his Soria estate, “La Tablada,” unwilling to join an anti-dynastic or insurrectionary path. Radical press blamed the king and queen.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=292-297}}

The {{Interlanguage link|Amorebieta Convention|es|Convenio de Amorebieta}} nearly toppled Serrano, with ministers opposing rebel officer reinstatement as a “degradation” of the army and government. Amadeo's backing and Cortes ratification (Republicans against, Radicals abstaining) saved it, and Serrano took office June 4.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=256-258}} Yet, Radicals under Martos and Republicans challenged Serrano's legitimacy, citing his Alfonsist inclusion, fueling pre-revolutionary rhetoric like “The Revolution is dead! Long live the Revolution!” [[El Imparcial (1867–1933)|El Imparcial]]’s June 10 piece, “The Madwoman of the Vatican,” subtly attacked Queen Maria Vittoria.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=298-300}}{{Sfn|Fontana|2007|pp=369-370}}

On June 6, Radicals mobilized Madrid's {{Interlanguage link|Volunteers of Liberty|es|Voluntarios de la Libertad}} to protest in the [[Town square#Spanish-speaking countries|Plaza Mayor]]. Serrano quartered troops and, on June 11, sought a decree suspending constitutional guarantees—approved by the Cortes—to curb a looming Republican uprising, which Radicals seemed poised to join post-Ruiz Zorrilla. A planned June 16 rally under “The [[Glorious Revolution (Spain)|September Revolution]] and the Freedom of the Motherland” omitted the dynasty, alarming Amadeo. Refusing to sign and risk civil conflict, he forced Serrano's resignation on June 12. Militia gathered that day dispersed upon hearing the news. Serrano, after less than 20 days, retired to Arjona, telling a French diplomat, “We must get rid of that imbecile,” referring to Amadeo.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=262-263; 301-302}}{{Sfn|Fontana|2007|pp=369-370}}

Jorge Vilches reflects:

“The king was almost completely isolated... with a strong anti-dynastic opposition, weak constitutional parties... political leaders unable to unite, and an unsupportive populace. By June 12, 1872, his situation was dire: Prim dead, Ruiz Zorrilla retired, Sagasta facing prosecution... two civil wars, and a Republican threat looming.”{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=263-264}}

Constitutionalists, learning Ruiz Zorrilla would replace Serrano with a Cortes dissolution, decried an “unprecedented coup d’état,” citing its unconstitutionality (four months hadn't passed since the last election) and the regime's instability—three elections, multiple crises in 18 months. They petitioned Amadeo to reject it, promising support instead.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=267-268}}

==== Second Ruiz Zorrilla Government: Failure of the Radicals ====
[[File:RuizZorrilla.png|thumb|[[Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla]].]]

Post-Serrano, Amadeo tapped General [[Fernando Fernández de Córdova]] as interim president until Ruiz Zorrilla's return, calming radical press criticism. Up to 300 Radicals, led by [[Nicolás María Rivero]], {{Interlanguage link|José María Beránger|es|José María Beránger}}, and [[Francisco Salmerón]], visited “La Tablada” to recall Ruiz Zorrilla, greeted by thousands in Madrid. He demanded an unconstitutional Cortes dissolution and elections—less than four months since April—pressuring Amadeo, who yielded, appearing partisan to Radicals. Jorge Vilches calls this a “coup d’état” by Radicals forcing power via threats and constitutional breaches.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=304-306; 308}}

Ruiz Zorrilla formed his June 13 government, taking the Interior Ministry, with ex-Democrats Martos (State) and Echegaray (Public Works), ex-Progressives {{Interlanguage link|Eduardo Gasset y Artime|es|Eduardo Gasset y Artime}} (Overseas), [[Servando Ruiz-Gómez y González-Llanos|Servando Ruiz Gómez]] (Finance), [[Eugenio Montero Ríos]] (Justice), and Beránger (Navy), plus Fernández de Córdoba (War). Rivero was slated for Congress Speaker. A purge dismissed 40,000 civil servants for loyalists.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|p=306}}{{Sfn|Fontana|2007|p=370}}

===== Assassination Attempt Against the King on July 18 and Insults to the Crown =====
[[File:Tentativa regicida contra D. Amadeo en la calle del Arenal.jpg|left|thumb|Assassination attempt on Amadeo I, July 18, 1872, {{Interlanguage link|Calle del Arenal|es|Calle del Arenal}}.]]

On July 18, Amadeo and Queen Maria Vittoria survived an assassination attempt on Madrid's {{Interlanguage link|Calle del Arenal|es|Calle del Arenal}}, intensifying his isolation as a Radical-dependent king. Warned via Martos and Governor Pedro Mata, Amadeo refused to alter his route; Mata's agents arrested Republican federalist attackers after they fired. [[Francesc Pi i Margall]] defended them in court. Public humiliations followed: carriage attacks on [[Calle de Alcalá]], mud-throwing on Cedaceros, insults near [[Parque del Buen Retiro, Madrid|El Retiro]], and aristocratic snubs like the “mantillas” incident.{{Sfn|Bahamonde|1996|p=86}}{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=314-315}}

===== August 1872 Elections and Its Consequences =====
[[File:El entusiasmo, inmenso; la muchedumbre, indescriptible.jpg|thumb|Caricature of Amadeo I, {{Interlanguage link|Gil Blas (Madrid)|es|Gil Blas}}, August 4, 1872, by [[Josep Lluís Pellicer]].]]

The [[August 1872 Spanish general election|August 24 elections]] saw Radicals propose jury trials, abolishing [[Military Service (Spain)|conscription]] and {{Interlanguage link|Matrícula de mar|es|Matrícula de mar}}, church-state separation, public education, and militia strengthening to fulfill 1868 promises to the working classes.{{Sfn|Bahamonde|1996|pp=84-85}}{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|p=307}} The [[Constitutional Party (Spain)|Constitutional Party]] debated participation—opting in on July 5 to block a Republic—but fielded few candidates amid defeatism, with Serrano refusing to run, weakening the dynasty's conservative pillar. Topete, Sagasta, and [[Antonio de los Ríos Rosas]] led instead.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=269-276}} Radicals won 274 seats, with 77 Republicans, 14 Constitutionalists, and 9 Moderates, aided by a Radical-Republican pact and over 50% abstention from boycotts and apathy.{{Sfn|Bahamonde|1996|p=86}}{{Sfn|López-Cordón|1976|p=42}}{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|p=308}}

Vilches notes the elections discredited the 1868 Revolution among conservatives, shifting the regime leftward via illegalities, sidelining Constitutionalists, and aligning Amadeo with Radicals, prompting Bourbon restoration talk for [[Alfonso XII]]. Montpensier's June 20 letter endorsed Alfonso as a progressive heir, gaining traction with Cánovas's liberal Moderates.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=272-278}}

===== Abolition of Slavery Project in Puerto Rico =====
On September 15, Ruiz Zorrilla's reform program passed only the Criminal Procedure Law.{{Sfn|Bahamonde|1996|p=86}} The {{Interlanguage link|Abolition of slavery in Spain|es|Abolición de la esclavitud en España}} in Puerto Rico—immediate abolition, provincial regime, and split civil-military authority—split the cabinet. Overseas Minister Gasset y Artime and Finance Minister Ruiz Gómez resigned, replaced by Tomás María Mosquera, who presented it December 24, backed by Republicans and the [[Sociedad Abolicionista Española]]. Cuba's abolition was deferred due to Centro Hispano Ultramarino pressure. Conservatives feared destabilizing Puerto Rico and encouraging Cuban rebels, while Radicals saw it as a peace gesture. Opposition from the National League, including Serrano and Cánovas, sought a conservative government to halt reforms without toppling the regime.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=278-282; 318-321}}{{Sfn|Bahamonde|1996|p=86}}{{Sfn|Fontana|2007|p=371}}

===== Halted Reforms and Division Among the Radicals =====
[[File:Madrid - La première revue passée à Madrid par le roi Amédée, en l'honneur du prince Humbert (D'après le croquis de M. Urrabieta).jpg|thumb|Amadeo I reviewing troops, September 1871, by [[Daniel Vierge]].]]

Under [[Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla]]’s second government, ongoing conflicts—the [[Third Carlist War]] and [[Cuban War of Independence|Cuban War]]—blocked his pledge to abolish military drafts. Announcing a new recruitment in late 1872 sparked riots in several cities, emboldening “intransigent” federal Republicans to push their insurrectionary agenda. The most significant revolt erupted October 11 in [[Ferrol, Spain|Ferrol]], but it collapsed due to lack of local support and no nationwide echo. “Benevolent” Republican leaders, like [[Francesc Pi i Margall]], condemned it in the Cortes on October 15 as a “true crime” given “fully guaranteed” freedoms, deepening the party's split between legalists and insurrectionists—a rift only the Republic's proclamation four months later averted from escalating further.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=315-317}}{{Sfn|López-Cordón|1976|p=47}}

The Carlist War intensified in December 1872, again delaying draft abolition. Republicans rejected Ruiz Zorrilla's policies, with minor Andalusian rebel groups forming, though less threatening than Carlists.{{Sfn|López-Cordón|1976|pp=46-47}} Amid this turmoil, Ruiz Zorrilla tried mending ties with the [[Constitutional Party (Spain)|Constitutional Party]] by proposing ordinary courts, not the Senate, judge [[Práxedes Mateo Sagasta|Sagasta]] for the “two million reales scandal.” This backfired as democratic deputies, led by Congress Speaker [[Nicolás María Rivero]], and ministers [[Cristino Martos y Balbí|Cristino Martos]] and [[José Echegaray]], sided with Republicans to reject it. This internal rift bolstered “benevolent” Republicans’ strategy to lure ex-Democrats ({{Interlanguage link|Cimbrios|es|Cimbrios (política)}}) into a parliamentary majority to topple the monarchy.{{Sfn|Vilches|2001|pp=322-324}}