Editing Tammany Hall (section)

==Tammany Hall in the 18th and 19th centuries==
[[File:Nast-Tammany crop.jpg|thumb|left|300px|In 1871, [[Thomas Nast]] denounces Tammany as a ferocious tiger killing democracy. The image of a tiger was often used to represent the Tammany Hall political movement.]]

===1789–1840===
The Tammany Society was founded in New York on May 12, 1789, originally as a branch of a wider network of [[Tammanies|Tammany Societies]], the first of which had been formed in Philadelphia in 1772.<ref>{{Citation|editor-last=Hodge|editor-first=Frederick Webb|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zEcSAAAAYAAJ|title=Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico: N-Z|date=1910|place = Washington| publisher= [[Smithsonian Institution]] | journal=Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin|volume=30|issue= 2 | pages=683–684}}</ref> The society was originally developed as a club for "pure Americans".<ref name=tamboo /> The name "Tammany" comes from [[Tamanend]], a Native American leader of the [[Lenape]]. The society adopted many Native American words and also their customs, going so far as to call their meeting hall a [[wigwam]]. The first Grand [[Sachem]], as the leader was titled, was William Mooney, an upholsterer of [[Nassau Street (Manhattan)|Nassau Street]].<ref name="The History of New York State">{{Cite web|url=http://www.usgennet.org/usa/ny/state/his/bk12/ch5/pt1.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070930024000/http://www.usgennet.org/usa/ny/state/his/bk12/ch5/pt1.html|url-status=dead|title=The History of New York State<!-- Bot generated title -->|archive-date=September 30, 2007}}</ref> Although Mooney claimed the top role in the early organization, it was a wealthy merchant and philanthropist named [[John Pintard]] who created the society's constitution and declared it to be "[a] political institution founded on a strong republican basis whose democratic principles will serve in some measure to correct the aristocracy of our city." Pintard also established the various Native American titles of the society.<ref>Allen pp. 5–6</ref>

The Society had the political backing of the [[George Clinton (vice president)|Clinton]] family in this era, whereas the [[Elizabeth Schuyler Hamilton|Schuyler]] family backed the [[Alexander Hamilton|Hamiltonian]] [[Federalists]], and the [[Livingston Manor|Livingstons]] eventually sided with the anti-federalists and the Society.<ref>Allen pp. 7, 10</ref> The Society assisted the federal government in procuring a peace treaty with the [[Creek Indians]] of Georgia and Florida at the request of [[George Washington]] in 1790. It also hosted [[Edmond-Charles Genêt]], representative of the [[French First Republic]] after the [[French Revolution]] toppled the ''[[Ancien Régime]]'' ("old rule"),<ref>Allen pp. 7–10</ref> in 1793. By 1798, the society's activities had grown increasingly political. High-ranking Democratic-Republican [[Aaron Burr]] saw Tammany Hall as an opportunity to counter [[Alexander Hamilton]]'s [[Society of the Cincinnati]].<ref name="tamboo">{{Cite magazine|date=22 August 1955|title=Sachems & Sinners: An Informal History of Tammany Hall|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,807536,00.html|access-date=2023-01-21|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20081215051043/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,807536,00.html |archive-date=December 15, 2008| magazine= Time Magazine |url-status=dead}}</ref> Eventually Tammany emerged as the center of [[Democratic-Republican Party]] politics in the city.<ref name="The History of New York State" /> Burr used Tammany Hall as a campaign asset during the [[U.S. presidential election, 1800|election of 1800]], in which he acted as Democratic-Republican campaign manager. Some historians believe that without Tammany, President [[John Adams]] might have won New York State's electoral votes and won reelection.<ref>Parmet and Hecht, pp. 149–50</ref>

Early cases of political corruption involving Tammany Hall came to light during the group's feud with local politician [[Dewitt Clinton]]. The feud began in 1802 after Clinton accused Aaron Burr of being a traitor to the Democratic-Republican Party.<ref name=":1">Myers, p. 17</ref> Clinton's uncle, George Clinton, was jealous of Burr's achievements and positions. However, George was too old to compete with young Aaron Burr, and so he left it to his nephew.<ref name=":1" /> One of Burr's political cohorts and the author of Burr's biography was a businessman, a newspaper editor, and a sachem of the Society named Matthew L. Davis. Other Burr operatives included [[William P. Van Ness]] and John Swartwout, the latter of whom dueled with De Witt Clinton in 1802 in New Jersey.<ref name="Allen pp. 13,14,18">Allen pp. 13–14, 18</ref> In 1803, Clinton left the United States Senate and became Mayor of New York City. As mayor, Clinton enforced a spoils system and appointed his family and partisans to positions in the city's local government. Tammany Hall soon realized its influence over the local political scene was no match for that of Clinton,<ref name="ta21rtv">Myers, p. 21</ref> in part because Burr's support among New York City's residents greatly faded after he shot and killed [[Alexander Hamilton]] in [[Burr–Hamilton duel|a duel]]. Tammany continued to support him for a time, but eventually pressure from the public persuaded the organization to no longer affiliate themselves with Burr.<ref name="ta22rtv">Myers, p. 28</ref>

Matthew Davis would go on to refine the Society as a political machine, beginning in 1805. The Society, with Davis's guidance, received a state charter as a charitable organization, organized the General Committee of Tammany Hall, and used the General Committee to decide leadership within the Democratic-Republican party in New York City from that point forward.<ref name="Allen pp. 13,14,18"/> In December 1805, Dewitt Clinton reached out to Burr's supporters to gain enough support to resist the influence of the powerful Livingston family.<ref name=ta22rtv /> The Livingstons, led by former New York City mayor [[Edward Livingston]], backed New York Governor Morgan Lewis, who presented a significant challenge to Clinton.<ref name=ta23rtv>Myers, p. 23</ref> The Tammany Hall sachems agreed to meet with Clinton in secret, on February 20, 1806,<ref name=ta23rtv /> and agreed to back him, on the condition that the Clintons would once again acknowledge Aaron Burr as a Democratic-Republican and stop using "Burrism" as a reason to object to their ideas.<ref name=":1" /> The Clintons readily agreed to these conditions, but did not intend to honor them. When the Sachems caught wind of this, the feud between Tammany Hall and Clinton resumed.<ref name=ta22rtv />

Tammany Hall became a locally organized machine dedicated to stopping Clinton and Federalists from rising to power in New York.<ref name=ta24rtv>Myers, p. 24</ref> However, local Democratic-Republicans began to turn against Tammany Hall.<ref name="ta25rtv">Myers, p. 26</ref> From 1806 to 1809 public opinion forced the local Common Council to crack down on Tammany Hall. The resulting investigations found that a number of Tammany officials were guilty of embezzlement and illegal activity.<ref name="ta28rtv">Myers, pp. 27–30</ref> For example, one official, Benjamin Romaine was found guilty of using his power to acquire land without payment and was ultimately removed from his office as City Comptroller<ref name="ta23rtv" /> despite the Council being controlled by Democratic-Republicans.<ref name="ta23rtv" />

Following the disclosures, the Federalists won control of the state legislature and the Democratic-Republican Party maintained a slim majority of the local government in New York City.<ref name=ta30rtv>Myers, p. 30</ref> Matthew Davis convinced other sachems to join him in a public relations stunt that provided income for the Society. The shallow graves of some Revolutionary War soldiers who died in British prison ships were located in [[Wallabout Bay]] (near the [[Brooklyn Navy Yard]]). Davis announced that the Society was going to provide proper burials for these soldiers with [[Prison Ship Martyrs' Monument|a monument]] dedicated to their memory on nearby land owned by a fellow sachem.

The remains were, in fact, reburied. The Society led a flotilla, on April 13, 1808, in thirteen boats, to Brooklyn, with each boat carrying a symbolic coffin. A dedication ceremony was held at Wallabout Bay and the state voted to provide the Society $1,000 to build a monument. The Society pocketed the money and the monument was never built.<ref>Allen p. 21</ref> However, Tammany Hall did not learn their lesson,<ref name="ta22rtv" /> and instead of fixing the problem of corruption, Wortman, one of the chief powers at the time, created a committee, consisting of one member from each ward, that would investigate and report in general meetings who were friends or enemies.<ref name="ta25rtv" />

During 1809–1810, the feud between Tammany Hall and the Clintonites intensified, as each party continued attacking each other.<ref name="ta25rtv"/> One of the Clintonites, James Cheetham, wrote extensively about Tammany and its corrupt activities, using his position as State Printer and publishing his work in the ''American Citizen'' newspaper''.''<ref name=":2">Myers, p. 27</ref> Tammany Hall did not take lightly to these activities and managed to remove Cheetham from his position as State Printer.<ref name=":2" /> At the same time, Clinton attempted to cooperate with Tammany Hall in order to create a state dominated by Democratic-Republicans. In an attempt to persuade Tammany sachems, he pulled his support for Cheetham, who was his protégé at the time.<ref name="ta22rtv" /> Cheetham's loss of Clinton's support angered him, and he responded by releasing details of Tammany and Clinton's attempts at cooperating to control the state.<ref name="ta22rtv" /> On September 18, 1810, James Cheetham died after an attack that was possibly Tammany-related.<ref name="ta22rtv" />
   
Between the years 1809 and 1815, Tammany Hall slowly revived itself by accepting immigrants and by secretly building a new wigwam to hold meetings whenever new Sachems were named.<ref name="ta36rtv">Myers, pp. 36–38</ref> The Democratic-Republican Committee, a new committee which consisted of the most influential local Democratic-Republicans, would now name the new Sachems as well.<ref name="ta338rtv">Myers, p. 38</ref> When Dewitt Clinton decided to run for president in 1811, Tammany Hall immediately accused Clinton of treason to his party, as well as attempting to create a family aristocracy. Even though New York State voted for Clinton the following year, Democratic-Republicans could not help but see Clinton's actions as being exactly what Tammany had accused them of. With this, most Democratic-Republicans in New York City turned away from Clinton. When Tammany Hall positioned itself to support the War of 1812 and to support the Embargo Act, many others who supported the war joined Tammany Hall.<ref name="ta39rtv">Myers, p. 39</ref> In fact, during this time, because of its success in establishing political opinion, Tammany Hall was able to grow stronger and even gained support from Federalist members who supported the war.<ref name=":3">Myers, p. 36</ref>

The Native American titles of the Society were disused during and after the War of 1812 in response to attacks from Native Americans on White Americans.<ref>Allen p. 24</ref> During this time we see Tammany Hall's earliest application of its most notable technique—turning support away from opposing parties and rewarding newly joined members.<ref name=":3" /> This was the case for Federalists who joined the Society. Tammany Hall managed to gain power, as well as reduce Clinton and his followers to just a small fraction.<ref>Myers, p. 35</ref> In 1815, Tammany Hall grand sachem [[John Ferguson (New York politician)|John Ferguson]] defeated Dewitt Clinton and was elected mayor. However, in 1817, Clinton, with his success on the [[Erie Canal|Erie Canal project]], gained so much popularity that, despite his weak position after the War and Tammany's immense efforts, he once again became Governor of New York and Tammany Hall fell again.<ref name=":4">Myers, p. 46</ref>

Another factor leading to Clinton's popularity was his patronage of immigrants. The origins of Tammany Hall were based on representing "pure" or "native" Americans. This meant that the Hall dismissed immigrants such as the Irish and Germans, although the Germans were more politically averse. On April 24, 1817, discontent with this treatment led to a huge riot during a Tammany general committee session.<ref name=":4" /> Until his death in 1828, Clinton would remain Governor of New York, with the exception of the two-year period of 1823–1824, and Tammany Hall's influence waned. [[Martin Van Buren]] and his [[Albany Regency]] soon began controlling the policy of Tammany Hall. This included pushing for the state referendum that eventually granted the right to vote in New York State to all free white men in 1821. After voting rights were expanded, Tammany Hall could further increase its political power.<ref>Allen pp. 27–50</ref> Tammany Hall soon began to accept Irish immigrants as members and eventually became dependent on them to maintain viability as a political force.<ref name="Tweedfall" />

During the [[U.S. presidential election, 1828|1828 U.S. presidential election]], Tammany Hall leaders met with Democratic candidate Andrew Jackson and agreed to endorse him after he promised to give them control over the allocation of some federal jobs.<ref name="jacktam">{{cite web|url=http://www.mahalo.com/new-york-election-results/|title=New York Election Results|work=Mahalo.com}}</ref> After he was elected president, Jackson fulfilled his promise.<ref name="jacktam" /> After 1829, Tammany Hall became the city affiliate of the Democratic Party, controlling most of the New York City elections afterwards.<ref name="uoqbvoaofy" /> In the 1830s the [[Loco-Focos]], an anti-monopoly and pro-labor faction of the Democratic Party, became Tammany's main rival for votes by appealing to workingmen. However, Tammany's political opponent remained the Whigs. During the 1834 New York City mayoral governor election, the first city election in which the popular vote elected the mayor, both Tammany Hall and the Whig party, from their headquarters at the Masonic Hall, battled in the streets for votes and protected polling locations in their respective regions from known opposition voters.<ref>Allen pp. 42–43</ref> During the 1838 state election for governor, the rival Whig party imported voters from Philadelphia, paying $22 a head for votes in addition to paying for votes at their polling places. Tammany Hall operatives continued their practice of paying prisoners of the almshouses for votes and also paying for votes at their polling places.<ref>Allen pp. 36,48</ref>

The Tammany Hall "[[ward boss]]" served as the local vote gatherer and provider of patronage. New York City used the designation "ward" for its smallest political units from 1686 to 1938. The 1686 [[Dongan Charter]] divided the city into six wards and created a Common Council which consisted of an alderman and an assistant alderman elected from each ward. In 1821, the Common Council's authority was expanded so it would also elect the city's mayor, who had previously been appointed by the state government. In 1834, the state constitution was amended to require the city's mayor to be elected by direct popular vote. Also in 1834, [[Cornelius Van Wyck Lawrence]], a pro-Tammany Democrat, would become the first mayor ever elected by popular vote in the city's history.<ref>{{Cite web|date= 1 September 2003|title=A Brief History of Election Law in New York|url=https://www.gothamgazette.com/index.php/state/1944-a-brief-history-of-election-law-in-new-york|access-date=2023-01-21|website=Gotham Gazette|language=en-gb}}</ref>

===Immigrant support===
Throughout the 1830s and 1840s, the Society expanded its political control even further by earning the loyalty of the city's ever-expanding immigrant community, which functioned as a base of political capital. During the 1840s, hundreds of thousands of Irish immigrants arrived in New York City to escape the [[Great Famine (Ireland)|Great Famine]] and Tammany saw its power grow greatly.<ref>{{cite web |date=2011 |url=http://ww25.racontrs.com/stories/city-hall-stories/tammany-hall-boss-tweed/?subid1=20230122-0224-1349-9922-e9bfdc55e33b |website=Racontours|access-date=17 April 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121129101229/http://www.racontrs.com/stories/city-hall-stories/tammany-hall-boss-tweed/ |archive-date=29 November 2012
| title= Tammany Hall: Boss Tweed & Thomas Nast
| url-status= usurped 
}}</ref> Tammany Hall's electoral base lay predominantly with New York's burgeoning immigrant constituency, which often exchanged political support for Tammany Hall's patronage. In pre-[[New Deal]] America, the extralegal services that Tammany and other urban political machines provided often served as a rudimentary [[Social welfare provision|public welfare system]]. Irish immigrants became even more influential during the mid-1840s to early 1850s. With the [[Great Famine (Ireland)|Great Famine]] in Ireland, by 1850, more than 130,000 immigrants from Ireland lived in New York City. Since the newly arrived immigrants were in deep poverty, Tammany Hall provided them with employment, shelter, and even citizenship sometimes.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www2.gwu.edu/~erpapers/teachinger/glossary/tammany-hall.cfm|title=Tammany Hall|website=www2.gwu.edu|access-date=October 28, 2016}}</ref> For example, the group gave referrals to men looking for work and [[legal aid]] to those who needed it. Tammany Hall would also provide food and financial aid to families with sick or injured breadwinners. In an example of their involvement in the lives of citizens, in the course of one day, Tammany figure [[George Washington Plunkitt]] assisted the victims of a house fire; secured the release of six [[Drunkenness|drunks]] by speaking on their behalf to a judge; paid the rent of a poor family to prevent their eviction and gave them money for food; secured employment for four individuals; attended the funerals of two of his constituents (one Italian, the other Jewish); attended a [[Bar and Bat Mitzvah|Bar Mitzvah]]; and attended the [[Jewish wedding|wedding of a Jewish couple]] from his ward.{{sfn|Riordan|1963|p=91-93}}

Tammany Hall took full advantage of the burgeoning numbers of Irish immigrants to gather more votes. By 1855, 34 percent of New York City's voter population was composed of Irish immigrants, and many Irish men came to dominate Tammany Hall.<ref>{{Cite web|last=Abdolhamidi|first=Shervin|url=https://untappedcities.com/2016/11/07/the-top-10-secrets-of-tammany-hall-the-democratic-political-machine-that-ran-nyc/9/|title=The Top 10 Secrets of Tammany Hall, the Democratic Political Machine That Ran NYC|website=www.untappedcities.com|access-date=November 24, 2020|date=November 7, 2016}}</ref> Tammany Hall also served as a social integrator for immigrants by familiarizing them with American society and its political institutions and by helping them become [[Naturalization|naturalized citizens]]. One example was the naturalization process organized by [[William M. Tweed]]. Under Tweed's regime, "naturalization committees" were established. These committees were made up primarily of Tammany politicians and employees, and their duties consisted of filling out paperwork, providing witnesses, and lending immigrants money for the fees required to become citizens. Judges and other city officials were bribed and otherwise compelled to go along with the workings of these committees.<ref>Connable and Silberfarb, p. 154</ref> In exchange for all these benefits, immigrants assured Tammany Hall they would vote for their candidates.<ref name="uoqbvoaofy" /> By 1854, the support Tammany Hall received from immigrants would firmly establish the organization as the leader of New York City's political scene.<ref name="uoqbvoaofy" /> With the election of [[Fernando Wood]], the first person to be supported by the Tammany Hall machine, as mayor in 1854, Tammany Hall would proceed to dominate the New York City political arena until [[Fiorello La Guardia]]'s mayoralty after the election of 1933.<ref name="uoqbvoaofy">{{Citation|url=http://www.gwu.edu/~erpapers/teachinger/glossary/tammany-hall.cfm|title=Tammany Hall|publisher=George Washington University|author=((The Eleanor Roosevelt Papers Project))|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20061219021908/http://www.gwu.edu/~erpapers/teachinger/glossary/tammany-hall.cfm |archive-date=December 19, 2006 }}</ref>

===Political gangs and the Forty Thieves===
After Fernando Wood's losing reelection run for U.S. Congress in 1842, he left politics for a while to work on his shipping business. A power vacuum of sorts existed through the 1840s for Tammany Hall, which became preoccupied with fights between political gangs fighting over turf. These gangs included the [[Dead Rabbits]], the [[Bowery Boys (gang)|Bowery Boys]], Mike Walsh's Spartan Association, the [[Roach Guards]], the Plug Uglies, the Wide-Awakes, and Captain [[Isaiah Rynders]]' Empire Club. Rynders was the leader of Tammany's Sixth Ward and a member of the General Committee who was also said to have been responsible for coordinating all political-related gang activity. Many of these leaders coordinated their activities from saloons, which became a target of prohibitionists and reformers.<ref name="Allen pp. 54-62">Allen pp. 54–62</ref>

At the start of the 1850s, the city economy began to pick up and Tammany members would profit. The City Council of New York during these years would be known as the most corrupt up to this time. The new City Council of 1852 swept in Tammany politicians to replace the outgoing Whig ones, who did little with their power. The new council was made up of two sets of 20 members, a twenty-member Board of Aldermen and a twenty-member Board of Assistant Aldermen. This new council would be known as the Forty Thieves. Each Alderman had the power to appoint police (including precinct officers) and license saloons within his district. Together, the Aldermen possessed the power to grant franchises for streetcar lines and ferries. Each Alderman also sat as judge in criminal courts, determining who sat for juries and choosing which cases came to trial. On paper, these aldermen received no pay. A number of real estate deals followed with suspicious transaction amounts, including a purchase of a pauper's burial ground on [[Ward's Island]] and the sale of city property occupying [[Gansevoort Market]] near the western end of 14th Street to Reuben Lovejoy, an associate of James B. Taylor, a friend of many of the Aldermen. Other deals included expensive fireworks displays and bribes for ferry and railroad operations (Jacob Sharp for the Wall Street Ferry and various applicants for the Third Avenue railroad). Aldermen would also resort to creating strike legislation to obtain quick cash: a spurious bill would be introduced that would obviously financially harm someone, who would then complain to legislators. These legislators would then kill the bill in committee for a fee. As the press became aware of the Forty Thieves tactics, a reform movement instigated for a change in the city charter in June 1853 so that city work and supply contracts were awarded to the lowest bidder, franchises were awarded to the highest bidder, and bribery was punished harshly.<ref name="Allen pp. 54-62" />

===Fernando Wood era===
[[Fernando Wood]] attempted several small business ventures in the city during the 1830s while simultaneously increasing his involvement with Tammany Hall. These early business attempts failed, but by 1836, at the age of 24, he became a member of the Society and became known for resolving the dispute between the Loco-Focos and the conservatives of the Hall. At the age of 28, in 1840, Wood was put up by Tammany Hall for a U.S. congressional seat, which he won. After Wood's service in Congress, he became a successful businessman through real estate dealings and was elected mayor of New York City in 1854. William Tweed said of Wood, "I never yet went to get a corner lot that I didn't find Wood had got in ahead of me." In his first term as mayor, Wood ensured the police force was responsive to his needs and convinced commissioners to allow him to fire officers not performing their duties. He was then accused of only hiring Democrats to replace those fired officers.

Wood defied tradition and ran for a second term as mayor in 1856, which irked some of his Tammany associates. During the campaign, his police force acted as his henchmen and Wood took a portion of their salary for his war chest ($15 to $25 for captains and a lesser amount for patrolmen). On election day, he gave his policemen some time off to vote, during which time his affiliated [[Dead Rabbits]] gang protected polling places. Wood won his second term. The Republicans, who made gains upstate, created a new state charter for New York City in response to this concentration of power in one man, which included more elected (instead of appointed) city department heads and officers. The Republicans also consolidated a separate police force, the Metropolitan Police, from the police forces of Kings, Richmond, and Westchester counties. The Republicans in the state legislature also moved the city mayoral elections to odd years, making the next election for mayor in December 1857. A [[New York City Police riot|power struggle]] followed between Wood's Municipal Police and the newly created Metropolitan Police, as well as between [[Dead Rabbits riot|the Dead Rabbits and the nativist Bowery Boys]]. Tammany Hall did not put Wood up for reelection in December 1857 in light of the [[Panic of 1857]] and a scandal involving him and his brother, [[Benjamin Wood (American politician)|Benjamin Wood]].<ref name="allen5276">Allen pp. 52–53, 63, 67–76</ref>

====Mozart Hall====
As a result of the scandal, Fernando Wood left or was expelled from Tammany in 1858 to form a third party, the Mozart Hall Democracy, or '''Mozart Hall''', named after their building at the corner of Broadway and Bleecker Street. Wood ran for mayor in 1859, with the backing of [[James Gordon Bennett Sr.|James Gordon Bennett]]'s ''[[New York Tribune]]'', as the champion of workingclass Irish and German immigrants against the "kid glove, scented, silk stocking, poodle-headed, degenerate aristocracy."<ref name=gotham862 /> The Republicans attempted to combine their efforts with Tammany, but the deal could not be consummated, making it a three-candidate race, which Wood won with 38.3% of the vote. It was Wood's second and last term as mayor, serving until 1862.<ref name=allen5276 /><ref name=gotham862>Burrows & Wallace, p.862</ref><ref name=mozenc />

Mozart Hall was a major player in city politics through the 1860s and was successful in getting additional school wards for German communities. During the [[American Civil War|Civil War]], Democrats were divided between "[[War Democrat]]s" &ndash; who wanted victory on the battlefield but objected to what they considered radical Republican legislation and the erosion of civil rights by [[Abraham Lincoln]] &ndash; and "[[Copperhead (politics)|Peace Democrats]]", who favored the restoration of the Union as it existed before the war with slavery in place, or, alternately, peace without reunion (espoused by an extreme faction). [[William M. Tweed]], most of Tammany's politicians, and many prominent businessmen were in the "War" faction, while Mozart Hall was the center of the "Peace" Democrats in New York. While the division between Tammany and Mozart had worked in Wood's favor in 1859, in 1861 it caused Republican [[George Opdyke]] to be elected, over Wood and Tammany's [[C. Godfrey Gunther]], with barely more than a third of the vote.<ref>Burrows & Wallace, p.865</ref><ref name=mozenc />

After the war, Mozart Hall aligned itself more closely with Tammany, and gradually lost influence. It disbanded in 1867.<ref name=mozenc>Bradley, James "Mozart Hall" in {{cite enc-nyc2|page=861}}</ref><ref>{{cite gotham|pages=862,885}}</ref>

===Tweed regime===
[[File:Tweed-Boss-LOC.jpg|thumb|215px|[[William M. Tweed]], known as "Boss" Tweed, ran an efficient and corrupt [[political machine]] based on [[political patronage|patronage]] and [[graft (politics)|graft]].]]
{{main|William M. Tweed}}

Tammany's control over the politics of New York City tightened considerably under Tweed. In 1858, Tweed capitalized on the efforts of Republican reformers to rein in the Democratic city government to obtain a position on the County Board of Supervisors, which he then used as a springboard to other appointments, and to have his friends placed in various offices. From this position of strength, he was elected "Grand Sachem" of Tammany, which he then used to take functional control of the city government. With his protégés elected governor of the state and mayor of the city, Tweed was able to expand the corruption and kickbacks of his "Ring" into practically every aspect of city and state governance. Although Tweed was elected to the State Senate, his true sources of power were his appointed positions to various branches of the city government. These positions gave him access to city funds and contractors, thereby controlling public works programs. This benefitted his pocketbook and those of his friends, but also provided jobs for the immigrants, especially Irish laborers, who were the electoral base of Tammany's power.<ref name="gpassim">Burrows & Wallace, p. 837 and ''passim''</ref>

According to Tweed biographer Kenneth D. Ackerman:

<blockquote>It's hard not to admire the skill behind Tweed's system ... The Tweed ring at its height was an engineering marvel, strong and solid, strategically deployed to control key power points: the courts, the legislature, the treasury and the ballot box. Its frauds had a grandeur of scale and an elegance of structure: money-laundering, profit sharing and organization.<ref>{{harvnb|Ackerman|2005}}{{Page needed|date=June 2022}}, quoted in {{Cite news|last=Hamill|first=Pete|author-link= Pete Hamill|date=2005-03-27|title='Boss Tweed': The Fellowship of the Ring|language=en-US|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/27/books/review/boss-tweed-the-fellowship-of-the-ring.html|access-date=2023-01-21|issn=0362-4331|type=book review|url-access= subscription}}</ref></blockquote>

Under "Boss" Tweed's dominance, the city expanded into the [[Upper East Side|Upper East]] and [[Upper West Side]]s of Manhattan, the [[Brooklyn Bridge]] was begun, land was set aside for the [[Metropolitan Museum of Art]], orphanages and almshouses were constructed, and social services – both directly provided by the state and indirectly funded by state appropriations to private charities – expanded to unprecedented levels. All of this activity, of course, also brought great wealth to Tweed and his friends. It also brought them into contact and alliance with the rich elite of the city, who either fell in with the graft and corruption, or else tolerated it because of Tammany's ability to control the immigrant population, of whom the "[[uppertens]]" of the city were wary.

[[File:Tammany Ring, Nast crop.jpg|thumb|left|300px|''Tammany Ring'' by [[Thomas Nast]]; "Who stole the people's money?" / "'Twas him."]]

James Watson, who was a county auditor in Comptroller [[Richard B. Connolly|Dick Connolly]]'s office and who also held and recorded the ring's books, died a week after his head was smashed by a horse in a sleigh accident on January 21, 1871. Although Tweed guarded Watson's estate in the week prior to Watson's death, and although another ring member attempted to destroy Watson's records, a replacement auditor, Matthew O'Rourke, associated with former sheriff [[James O'Brien (U.S. Congressman)|James O'Brien]] provided city accounts to O'Brien.<ref name="Allen, pp. 118-125">Allen, pp. 118–25</ref> Further, Tammany demonstrated inability to control Irish laborers in the [[Orange riot]] of 1871 that also began Tweed's downfall. Campaigns to topple Tweed by ''The New York Times'' and [[Thomas Nast]] of ''[[Harper's Weekly]]'' began to gain traction in the aftermath of the riot, and disgruntled insiders began to leak the details of the extent and scope of the Tweed Ring's avarice to the newspapers. Specifically, O'Brien forwarded the city's financial accounts to ''[[The New York Times]]''. ''The New York Times'', at that time the only Republican associated paper in the city, was then able to reinforce stories they had previously published against the ring.<ref name="Allen, pp. 118-125"/> The [[Committee of Seventy (New York City)|Committee of Seventy]] was formed in September 1871 by prominent reformers to examine the misdeeds of the Tweed ring.

Tweed was arrested and tried in 1872. After he died in [[Ludlow Street Jail]] in 1878, political reformers took over the city and state governments.<ref name=gpassim /> Following Tweed's arrest, Tammany survived, but was no longer controlled by Protestants and was now dependent on leadership from bosses of Irish descent.<ref name=Tweedfall>{{cite book |last=Panayiotopoulos |first=Prodromos |title=Immigrant enterprise in Europe and the USA |page=52 |year=2006 |publisher=Routledge Studies in the Modern World Economy |isbn=978-0415353717}}</ref>

[[File:Tammany Tiger Hunted 1893.jpg|thumb|left|300px|''[[Puck (magazine)|Puck]]'' cartoon by [[Frederick Burr Opper]]: "Lots of hunters after a very sick tiger" (1893)]]

===1870–1900 {{anchor|1870-1900}}===
Tammany did not take long to rebound from Tweed's fall. Reforms demanded a general housecleaning, and former county sheriff [[John Kelly (New York politician)|"Honest John" Kelly]] was selected as the new leader. Kelly was not implicated in the Tweed scandals and was a religious Catholic related by marriage to Archbishop [[John McCloskey]]. He cleared Tammany of Tweed's people and tightened the Grand Sachem's control over the hierarchy. His success at revitalizing the machine was such that in the election of 1874, the Tammany candidate, [[William H. Wickham]], succeeded the unpopular outgoing reformist incumbent, [[William F. Havemeyer]] (who died shortly thereafter), and Democrats generally won their races, delivering control of the city back to Tammany Hall.<ref>Burrows & Wallace, p. 1027</ref> A noted statue of John Kelly is located in the hall, the work of Irish sculptor [[Robert Cushing (sculptor)|Robert Cushing]].<ref name="nyt">{{Cite news |date=29 March 1896 |title=ROBERT CUSHING'S ART; WORK OF THE AGED SCULPTOR WHO HAS JUST PASSED AWAY. One of the Originators and Leaders of the Profession in This Country -- His Sudden Dentil, of Which Few Knew -- Works Which Will Hand His Name Down to Fame -- Ward and Macdonald Contemporaneous with Him. | url = https://www.nytimes.com/1896/03/29/archives/robert-cushings-art-work-of-the-aged-sculptor-who-has-just-passed.html |pages=26 |work=[[The New York Times]] |access-date=10 April 2022}}</ref>

====1886 mayoral election====
The [[1886 New York City mayoral election|mayoral election of 1886]] was a seminal one for the organization. Union activists had founded the [[Central Labor Union|United Labor Party]] (ULP), which nominated [[political economist]] [[Henry George]], the author of ''[[Progress and Poverty]]'', as its standard-bearer. George was initially hesitant about running for office but was convinced to do so after Tammany secretly offered him a seat in Congress if he would stay out of the mayoral race. Tammany had no expectation of George being elected but knew that his candidacy and the new party were a direct threat to their own status as the putative champions of the working man.<ref>Burrows & Wallace, p. 1099</ref>

Having inadvertently provoked George into running, Tammany now needed to field a strong candidate against him, which required the cooperation of the Catholic Church in New York, which was the key to getting the support of middle-class Irish American voters. [[Richard Croker]], Kelly's right-hand man, had succeeded Kelly as Grand Sachem of Tammany, and he understood that he would also need to make peace with the non-Tammany "Swallowtail" faction of the Democratic Party to avoid the threat that George and the ULP posed, which was the potential re-structuring of the city's politics along class lines and away from the ethnic-based politics which had been Tammany's underpinning all along. To bring together these disparate groups, Croker nominated [[Abram Hewitt]] as the Democratic candidate for mayor. Not only was Hewitt the leader of the Swallowtails, but he was noted philanthropist [[Peter Cooper]]'s son-in-law and had an impeccable reputation. To counter both George and Hewitt, the Republicans put up [[Theodore Roosevelt]], the former state assemblyman.<ref>Burrows & Wallace, pp. 1103–06</ref>

[[File:Tammany Hall interior for the national convention 1868 crop.jpeg|thumb|350px|Tammany Hall decorated for the [[1868 Democratic National Convention]]]]

In the end, Hewitt won the election, with George out-polling Roosevelt, whose total was some 2,000 votes less than the Republicans had normally received. Despite their second-place finish, things seemed bright for the future of the labor political movement, but the ULP was not to last, and was never able to bring about a new paradigm in the city's politics. Tammany had once again succeeded and survived. More than that, Croker realized that he could use the techniques of the well-organized election campaign that the ULP had run. Because Tammany's ward-heelers controlled the saloons, the new party had used "neighborhood meetings, streetcorner rallies, campaign clubs, Assembly District organizations, and trade legions –  an entire political counterculture"<ref>Burrows & Wallace, p. 1100</ref> to run their campaign. Croker now took these innovations for Tammany's use, creating [[political club]]houses to take the place of the saloons and involving women and children by sponsoring family excursions and picnics. The New Tammany appeared to be more respectable, and less obviously connected to saloonkeepers and gang leaders, and the clubhouses, one in every Assembly District, were also a more efficient way of providing patronage work to those who came looking for it; one simply had to join the club, and volunteer to put in the hours needed to support it.<ref>Burrows & Wallace, pp. 1106–08</ref>

Hewitt turned out to be a terrible mayor for Croker, due to his nativist views, and in 1888 Tammany ran Croker's hand-picked choice, [[Hugh J. Grant]], who became the first New York-born Irish American mayor. Although Hewitt ran an efficient government, Croker viewed Hewitt as being too self-righteous and did not grant Croker the patronage jobs he was expecting from a mayor. Hewitt had also offended Irish voters by deciding not to review a St. Patrick's Day parade they requested of him.<ref>Allen p. 175</ref>

Grant allowed Croker free run of the city's contracts and offices, creating a vast patronage machine beyond anything Tweed had ever dreamed of, a status which continued under Grant's successor, [[Thomas Francis Gilroy]]. With such resources of money and manpower – the entire city workforce of 1,200 was essentially available to him when needed – Croker was able to neutralize the Swallowtails permanently. He also developed a new stream of income from the business community, which was provided with "one stop shopping": instead of bribing individual officeholders, businesses, especially the utilities, could go directly to Tammany to make their payments, which were then directed downward as necessary; such was the control Tammany had come to have over the governmental apparatus of the city.<ref>Burrows & Wallace, pp. 1108–09</ref>

Croker mended fences with labor as well, pushing through legislation which addressed some of the inequities which had fueled the labor political movement, making Tammany once again appear to be the "Friend of the Working Man" – although he was careful always to maintain a pro-business climate of ''[[laissez-faire]]'' and low taxes. Tammany's influence was also extended once again to the state legislature, where a similar patronage system to the city's was established after Tammany took control in 1892. With the Republican boss, [[Thomas C. Platt|Thomas Platt]], adopting the same methods, the two men between them essentially controlled the state.<ref>Burrows & Wallace, pp. 1109–10</ref>

====Fassett Committee====
The 1890s began with a series of what would be three political investigations into Tammany operations, reminiscent of the early 1870s. Platt was the key organizer of most of these committees, the first of which was the [[Fassett Investigation|Fassett Committee]] of 1890. This first committee featured testimony from Croker's brother-in-law, revealing gifts of cash surrounding his hotel business. The recorded testimonies resulted in no indictments and the Democrats would not suffer in the elections of 1890 or 1892.

====1894 mayoral election and the Lexow Committee====
[[File:Rogers, W. A. (William Allen), Rogers A Cinch 1893 Cornell CUL PJM 1112 01.jpg|thumb|215px|A [[bird's-eye]]-view map of New York and Brooklyn (1893), titled "A Cinch. Says Boss Croker to Boss McLaughlin: "Shake!"<br />(The boss of Tammany Hall in New York, Richard Croker, and the boss of the Brooklyn political machine, Hugh McLaughlin, reach across the East River to shake hands in cooperation).]]

In 1894, Tammany suffered a setback when, fueled by the public hearings on police corruption held by the [[Lexow Committee]] based on the evidence uncovered by the Rev. [[Charles Henry Parkhurst|Charles Parkhurst]] when he explored the city's ''[[demi monde]]'' undercover, a Committee of Seventy was organized by Council of Good Government Clubs to break the stranglehold that Tammany had on the city. Full of some of the city's richest men – [[J.P. Morgan]], [[Cornelius Vanderbilt II]], [[Abram Hewitt]] and [[Elihu Root]], among others – the committee supported [[William L. Strong]], a millionaire dry-goods merchant, for mayor, and forced Tammany's initial candidate, merchant [[Nathan Straus]], co-owner of [[Macy's]] and [[Abraham & Straus]], from the election by threatening to ostracize him from New York society. Tammany then put-up Hugh Grant again, despite his being publicly dirtied by the police scandals. Backed by the committee's money, influence and their energetic campaign, and helped by Grant's apathy, Strong won the election handily, and spent the next three years running the city on the basis of "business principles", pledging an efficient government and the return of morality to city life. The election was a Republican sweep statewide: [[Levi Morton]], a millionaire banker from Manhattan, won the governorship, and the party also ended up in control of the legislature.<ref>Burrows & Wallace, pp. 1192–94</ref>

Croker was absent from the city for three years starting at the onset of the Lexow Committee, residing in his homes in Europe. Still, Tammany could not be kept down for long, and in 1898 Croker, aided by the death of [[Henry George]] – which took the wind out of the sails of the potential re-invigoration of the political labor movement – and returned from his stay in Europe, shifted the Democratic Party enough to the left to pick up labor's support, and pulled back into the fold those elements outraged by the reformers' attempt to outlaw Sunday drinking and otherwise enforce their own authoritarian moral concepts on immigrant populations with different cultural outlooks. Tammany's candidate, [[Robert A. Van Wyck]], easily outpolled [[Seth Low]], the reform candidate backed by the Citizens Union, and Tammany was back in control. Its supporters marched through the city's streets chanting, "Well, well, well, Reform has gone to Hell!"<ref>Burrows & Wallace, pp. 1206–08</ref>

[[File:New York's New Solar System2.jpg|thumb|left|300px|All politics revolved around the Boss. 1899 cartoon from ''Puck''.]]

====Mazet Investigation====
A final state investigation began in 1899 at the prompting of newly elected Theodore Roosevelt. This Mazet Investigation was chaired by Republican assemblyman Robert Mazet and led by chief counsel [[Frank Moss (lawyer)|Frank Moss]], who had also participated in the Lexow Committee. The investigation revealed further detail about Croker's corporate alliances and also yielded memorable quotes from police chief [[William Stephen Devery]] and Croker. This was also the committee that began probing Croker about his holdings in ice companies.<ref>Allen pp. 197–200</ref>

Despite occasional defeats, Tammany was consistently able to survive and prosper. Under leaders such as [[Charles Francis Murphy]] and [[Timothy Sullivan]], it maintained control of Democratic politics in the city and the state.