Editing Northern Ireland (section)

==History==
{{Main|History of Northern Ireland}}
{{See also|History of Ireland|Ulster#History}}
[[File:Northern Ireland - Counties.png|thumb|left|alt=Northern Ireland – Counties|The traditional counties of Northern Ireland]]

The region now known as Northern Ireland was historically inhabited by Irish-speaking, predominantly [[Gaels|Catholic Gaels]].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Stanbridge |first1=Karen |title=Toleration and State Institutions: British Policy Toward Catholics in Eighteenth-century Ireland and Quebec |date=2003 |publisher=Lexington Books |page=43}}; {{cite book |last1=Ruane |first1=Joseph |title=The Dynamics of Conflict in Northern Ireland: Power, Conflict and Emancipation |date=1996 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |page=51}}</ref> It consisted of several Gaelic kingdoms within the province of [[Ulster]]. In 1169, Ireland was invaded by [[Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland|Anglo-Norman]] forces under the English crown, initiating centuries of foreign dominance. While English authority spread across much of Ireland, Ulster's major Gaelic kingdoms largely retained their autonomy, with English control limited to parts of the eastern coast.

During the [[Nine Years' War (Ireland)|Nine Years' War]] (1593–1603), an alliance of Gaelic chieftains led by [[Hugh Roe O'Donnell]] and [[Hugh O'Neill, Earl of Tyrone|Hugh O'Neill]] resisted English rule. Despite early successes and support from Spain, the alliance was ultimately defeated, culminating in the [[Flight of the Earls]] in 1607, when many Ulster nobles fled to [[Continental Europe|mainland Europe]]. Their lands were confiscated and colonized by English-speaking Protestant settlers from Britain in the [[Plantation of Ulster]], establishing a lasting Protestant community with ties to Britain.<ref>{{Cite web |title=The Plantation of Ulster: A Brief Overview – The Irish Story |url=https://www.theirishstory.com/2024/06/02/the-plantation-of-ulster-a-brief-overview/ |access-date=2025-04-21 |language=en-GB}}</ref>

The [[Irish Rebellion of 1641]] began in Ulster, driven by demands to end [[Anti-Catholicism|anti-Catholic]] discrimination, achieve greater Irish self-governance, and reverse the plantations. The uprising escalated into an ethnic conflict between [[Irish Catholics]] and British Protestant settlers and became part of the wider [[Wars of the Three Kingdoms]] (1639–1653), concluding with the [[Parliament of England|English Parliamentarian]] conquest

Subsequent Protestant victories in the [[Williamite War in Ireland|Williamite-Jacobite War]] (1688–1691), including the [[Siege of Derry]] and the [[Battle of the Boyne]], solidified Anglican Protestant rule in Ireland. These events are still commemorated by some Protestants in Northern Ireland.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.nidirect.gov.uk/index/government-citizens-and-rights/living-in-northern-ireland/bank-holidays.htm |title=Bank holidays |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20101122114013/http://www.nidirect.gov.uk/index/government-citizens-and-rights/living-in-northern-ireland/bank-holidays.htm |archive-date=22 November 2010}}; {{cite news |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-20565591 |title=Lundy's Day: Thousands attend 'peaceful' Londonderry parade |work=BBC News |date=December 2012 |access-date=21 June 2018 |archive-date=23 September 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180923010159/https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-20565591 |url-status=live}}</ref> Many more Scots Protestants migrated to Ulster during the [[Seven ill years|Scottish famine of the 1690s]].

Following the Williamite victory, a series of [[Penal laws (Ireland)|Penal Laws]] were enacted by the Anglican Protestant ruling class to suppress Catholicism and, to a lesser extent, [[Presbyterianism]]. These laws aimed to concentrate property and public office in the hands of those aligned with the [[Church of Ireland]].<ref>{{Cite journal |last=McEvoy |first=Brendan |date=1960 |title=The United Irishmen in Co. Tyrone |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/29740719 |journal=Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society |volume=4 |issue=1 |pages=1–32 |doi=10.2307/29740719 |jstor=29740719 |issn=0488-0196}}</ref><ref>Bew, John (2011). ''Castlereagh, From Enlightenment to Tyranny''. Quercus Publishing Plc. pp. 126–127. {{ISBN|9780857381866}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=Irish Tithe Act of 1838 {{!}} Encyclopedia.com |url=https://www.encyclopedia.com/international/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/irish-tithe-act-1838 |access-date=2025-04-21 |website=www.encyclopedia.com}}</ref> Between 1717 and 1775, approximately 200,000 [[Presbyterian Church in Ireland|Ulster Presbyterians]] emigrated to the American colonies, where their descendants are known as [[Scotch-Irish Americans]].<ref>{{cite book |last=Thernstrom |first=Stephan |title=Harvard encyclopedia of American ethnic groups |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=npQ6Hd3G4kgC&pg=PA896 |publisher=Harvard University Press |year=1980 |page=896 |isbn=978-0-674-37512-3 |access-date=29 October 2011 |archive-date=13 April 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210413214646/https://books.google.com/books?id=npQ6Hd3G4kgC&pg=PA896 |url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.powells.com/biblio/1-9780767916899-1 |title=Born Fighting: How the Scots-Irish Shaped America |publisher=Powells.com |date=12 August 2009 |access-date=30 April 2010 |archive-date=16 January 2010 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100116001733/http://powells.com/biblio/1-9780767916899-1 |url-status=live}}</ref>

In the late 18th century, secretive and militant societies emerged in Ulster, exacerbating sectarian tensions. The [[Peep o' Day Boys|Protestant Peep o' Day Boys]] and the Catholic Defenders frequently clashed, notably during the [[Armagh disturbances]], culminating in the [[Battle of the Diamond]] in 1795.<ref>{{Cite web |last=NFB |date=2015-10-21 |title=Ireland's War: Peep O' Day Boys, Defenders And The Diamond |url=https://neverfeltbetter.wordpress.com/2015/10/21/irelands-war-peep-o-day-boys-defenders-and-the-diamond/ |access-date=2025-04-21 |website=Never Felt Better |language=en-GB}}</ref> This event led to the founding of the [[Orange Order|Protestant Orange Order]].<ref>{{Cite book |last=Bardon |first=Jonathan |url=https://archive.org/details/historyofulster00jona |title=A history of Ulster |date=2005 |publisher=Blackstaff Press |others=Internet Archive |isbn=978-0-85640-764-2}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal |last=Tohall |first=Patrick |date=1958 |title=The Diamond Fight of 1795 and the Resultant Expulsions |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/29740669 |journal=Seanchas Ardmhacha: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society |volume=3 |issue=1 |pages=17–50 |doi=10.2307/29740669 |jstor=29740669 |issn=0488-0196}}</ref>

The Irish Rebellion of 1798 was led by the Society of United Irishmen, a cross-community republican group founded by Belfast Presbyterians seeking Irish independence.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Irish Rebellion of 1798 {{!}} National Army Museum |url=https://www.nam.ac.uk/explore/irish-rebellion-1798 |access-date=2025-04-21 |website=www.nam.ac.uk |language=en}}</ref> The rebellion was ultimately suppressed, but it highlighted the growing demand for reform.<ref>The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. "Irish Rebellion". Encyclopedia Britannica, 24 Dec. 2024, https://www.britannica.com/event/Irish-Rebellion-Irish-history-1798. Accessed 21 April 2025</ref> In response, the British government enacted the Acts of Union 1800, merging the Kingdom of Ireland with Great Britain to form the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in 1801. This legislative union aimed to quell sectarianism, remove discriminatory laws, and prevent the spread of revolutionary ideas.<ref>Ward, Alan J. (1994). The Irish Constitutional Tradition: Responsible Government and Modern Ireland 1782–1992. Irish Academic Press.</ref>

===Home Rule Crisis===
{{main|Home Rule Crisis}}

[[File:RMS Olympic's propellers.jpg|thumb|[[RMS Olympic]], sister ship of [[Titanic]], photographed in dry dock, [[Belfast]]]]
[[File:Carson signing Solemn League and Covenant.jpg|thumb|Signing of the [[Ulster Covenant]] in 1912 in opposition to Home Rule]]
By the late 19th century, a large and disciplined cohort of [[Irish Parliamentary Party|Irish Nationalist]] MPs at Westminster committed the [[Liberal Party (UK)|Liberal Party]] to [[Irish Home Rule movement|"Irish Home Rule"]]—self-government for Ireland, within the United Kingdom. This was bitterly opposed by [[Unionism in Ireland|Irish Unionists]], most of whom were Protestants, who feared an Irish devolved government dominated by Irish nationalists and Catholics. The [[Government of Ireland Bill 1886]] and [[Government of Ireland Bill 1893]] were defeated. However, Home Rule became a near-certainty in 1912 after the [[Government of Ireland Act 1914]] was first introduced. The Liberal government was dependent on Nationalist support, and the [[Parliament Act 1911]] prevented the House of Lords from blocking the bill indefinitely.<ref name=Lydon326>James F. Lydon, [https://books.google.com/books?id=yKA9AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA326 ''The Making of Ireland: From Ancient Times to the Present''] {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210508132513/https://books.google.com/books?id=yKA9AAAAIAAJ&pg=PA326 |date=8 May 2021 }}, Routledge, 1998, p. 326</ref>

In response, unionists vowed to prevent Irish Home Rule, from [[Conservative Party (UK)|Conservative and Unionist Party]] leaders such as [[Bonar Law]] and Dublin-based barrister [[Edward Carson]] to militant working class unionists in Ireland. This sparked the [[Home Rule Crisis]]. In September 1912, more than 500,000 unionists signed the [[Ulster Covenant]], pledging to oppose Home Rule by any means and to defy any Irish government.<ref>[[A. T. Q. Stewart|Stewart, A.T.Q.]], ''The Ulster Crisis, Resistance to Home Rule, 1912–14'', pp. 58–68, Faber and Faber (1967) {{ISBN|0-571-08066-9}}</ref> In 1914, unionists [[Larne gun-running|smuggled thousands of rifles and rounds of ammunition]] from [[German Empire|Imperial Germany]] for use by the [[Ulster Volunteers]] (UVF), a paramilitary organisation formed to oppose Home Rule. Irish nationalists had also formed a paramilitary organisation, the [[Irish Volunteers]]. It sought to ensure Home Rule was implemented, and it [[Howth gun-running|smuggled its own weapons into Ireland]] a few months after the Ulster Volunteers.<ref>Annie Ryan, ''Witnesses: Inside the Easter Rising'', Liberties Press, 2005, p. 12</ref> Ireland seemed to be on the brink of civil war.<ref>Collins, M. E., ''Sovereignty and partition, 1912–1949'', pp. 32–33, Edco Publishing (2004) {{ISBN|1-84536-040-0}}</ref>

Unionists were in a minority in Ireland as a whole, but a majority in the province of [[Ulster]], especially the counties [[County Antrim|Antrim]], [[County Down|Down]], [[County Armagh|Armagh]] and [[County Londonderry|Londonderry]].<ref name="StephenGwynn">{{cite book |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IWnrSFoQVw0C&q=%22northern+ireland%22+partition+two+counties+nationalist+majority+tyrone+fermanagh&pg=PA525 |first=Stephen |last=Gwynn |author-link=Stephen Gwynn |chapter=The birth of the Irish Free State |title=The History of Ireland |year=2009 |orig-date=1923 |publisher=Macmillan |isbn=978-1-113-15514-6 |access-date=19 October 2020 |archive-date=13 April 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210413214537/https://books.google.com/books?id=IWnrSFoQVw0C&q=%22northern+ireland%22+partition+two+counties+nationalist+majority+tyrone+fermanagh&pg=PA525 |url-status=live}}</ref> Unionists argued that if Home Rule could not be stopped then all or part of Ulster should be excluded from it.<ref>O'Day, Alan. ''Irish Home Rule, 1867–1921''. Manchester University Press, 1998. p. 252</ref> In May 1914, the UK Government introduced an Amending Bill to allow for 'Ulster' to be excluded from Home Rule. There was then debate over how much of Ulster should be excluded and for how long. Some Ulster unionists were willing to tolerate the 'loss' of some mainly-Catholic areas of the province.<ref>Jackson, Alvin. ''Home Rule: An Irish History, 1800–2000''. pp. 137–138</ref> The crisis was interrupted by the outbreak of the [[World War I|First World War]] in August 1914, and [[Ireland and World War I|Ireland's involvement in it]]. The UK government abandoned the Amending Bill, and instead rushed through a new bill, the [[Suspensory Act 1914]], suspending Home Rule for the duration of the war,<ref>Hennessey, Thomas: ''Dividing Ireland, World War I and Partition'', ''The passing of the Home Rule Bill'' p. 76, Routledge Press (1998) {{ISBN|0-415-17420-1}}</ref> with the exclusion of Ulster still to be decided.<ref>Jackson, Alvin: p. 164</ref>

===Partition of Ireland===
{{Main|Partition of Ireland}}
[[File:1918 United Kingdom general election (Ireland) map - winning party vote share by constituency.svg|thumb|right|Result of the [[1918 Irish general election|1918 general election in Ireland]]]]
By the end of the war (during which the 1916 [[Easter Rising]] had taken place), most Irish nationalists now wanted full independence rather than home rule. In September 1919, British Prime Minister [[David Lloyd George]] tasked a committee with planning another home rule bill. Headed by [[Unionism in Ireland|English unionist]] politician [[Walter Long, 1st Viscount Long|Walter Long]], it was known as the 'Long Committee'. It decided that two devolved governments should be established—one for the nine counties of Ulster and one for the rest of Ireland—together with a [[Council of Ireland]] for the "encouragement of Irish unity".<ref>Jackson, pp. 227–229</ref> Most Ulster unionists wanted the territory of the Ulster government to be reduced to six counties so that it would have a larger Protestant unionist majority, which they believed would guarantee its longevity. The six counties of [[County Antrim|Antrim]], [[County Down|Down]], [[County Armagh|Armagh]], [[County Londonderry|Londonderry]], [[County Tyrone|Tyrone]] and [[County Fermanagh|Fermanagh]] comprised the maximum area unionists believed they could dominate.<ref>Morland, Paul. ''Demographic Engineering: Population Strategies in Ethnic Conflict''. Routledge, 2016. pp.96–98</ref> The area that was to become Northern Ireland included counties Fermanagh and Tyrone, even though they had nationalist majorities in the [[1918 Irish general election]].<ref>{{cite report |title=The Irish Election of 1918 |url=https://www.ark.ac.uk/elections/h1918.htm |publisher=Northern Ireland Elections |docket= |access-date=31 August 2022 |archive-date=17 August 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180817120216/http://www.ark.ac.uk/elections/h1918.htm |url-status=live }}</ref>

Events overtook the government. In the 1918 Irish general election, the pro-independence [[Sinn Féin]] party won the overwhelming majority of Irish seats. Sinn Féin's elected members boycotted the British parliament and founded a separate Irish parliament ([[First Dáil|Dáil Éireann]]), [[Irish Declaration of Independence|declaring an independent Irish Republic]] covering the whole island. Many [[Irish republicans]] blamed the British establishment for the sectarian divisions in Ireland, and believed that Ulster unionism would fade once British rule was ended.{{Sfnp|Lynch|2019|pages=51–52}} The British authorities outlawed the Dáil in September 1919,<ref>Mitchell, Arthur. ''Revolutionary Government in Ireland''. Gill & MacMillan, 1995. p. 245</ref> and a guerrilla conflict developed as the [[Irish Republican Army (1919–1922)|Irish Republican Army]] (IRA) began attacking British forces. This became known as the [[Irish War of Independence]].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Coleman |first1=Marie |title=The Irish Revolution, 1916–1923 |date=2013 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1317801474 |page=67}}; Gibney, John (editor). ''The Irish War of Independence and Civil War''. Pen and Sword History, 2020. pp.xii–xiii</ref>

[[File:Ulster Welcomes Her King & Queen (10990906846).jpg|thumb|Crowds in Belfast for the state opening of the Northern Ireland Parliament on 22 June 1921]]

Meanwhile, the [[Government of Ireland Act 1920]] passed through the British parliament in 1920. It would divide Ireland into two self-governing UK territories: the six northeastern counties (Northern Ireland) being ruled from [[Belfast]], and the other twenty-six counties ([[Southern Ireland (1921–1922)|Southern Ireland]]) being ruled from [[Dublin]]. Both would have a shared [[Lord Lieutenant of Ireland]], who would appoint both governments and a [[Council of Ireland]], which the UK government intended to evolve into an all-Ireland parliament.<ref>{{cite book |last=Pilkington |first=Colin |author-link= |title=Devolution in Britain Today |publisher=Manchester University Press |year=2002 |page=75 |isbn=978-0-7190-6076-2}}</ref> The Act received [[royal assent]] that December, becoming the Government of Ireland Act 1920. It came into force on 3 May 1921,<ref name="O'Day 299">O'Day, Alan. ''Irish Home Rule, 1867–1921''. Manchester University Press, 1998. p. 299</ref><ref>Jackson, Alvin. ''Home Rule – An Irish History''. Oxford University Press, 2004, pp. 368–370</ref> [[Partition of Ireland|partitioning Ireland]] and creating Northern Ireland. the [[1921 Irish elections]] were held on 24 May, in which unionists won most seats in the Northern Ireland parliament. It first met on 7 June and formed its [[Craigavon ministry|first devolved government]], headed by Ulster Unionist Party leader [[James Craig, 1st Viscount Craigavon|James Craig]]. Irish nationalist members refused to attend. King George V addressed the ceremonial opening of the Northern parliament on 22 June.<ref name="O'Day 299"/>

During 1920–22, in what became Northern Ireland, partition was accompanied by violence "in defence or opposition to the new settlement"{{Sfnp|Lynch|2019|pages=11, 100–101}} during [[The Troubles (1920–1922)]]. The IRA carried out attacks on British forces in the north-east but was less active than in the rest of Ireland. Protestant loyalists attacked Catholics in reprisal for IRA actions. In the summer of 1920, sectarian violence erupted in Belfast and Derry, and there were mass burnings of Catholic property in [[Lisburn]] and [[Banbridge]].{{Sfnp|Lynch|2019|pages=90–92}} Conflict continued intermittently for two years, mostly in [[Belfast]], which saw "savage and unprecedented" [[communal violence]] between Protestants and Catholics, including rioting, gun battles, and bombings. Homes, businesses, and churches were attacked and people were expelled from workplaces and mixed neighbourhoods.{{Sfnp|Lynch|2019|pages=11, 100–101}} More than 500 were killed{{Sfnp|Lynch|2019|page=99}} and more than 10,000 became refugees, most of them Catholics.{{Sfnp|Lynch|2019|pages=71–76}} The [[British Army]] was deployed and the [[Ulster Special Constabulary]] (USC) was formed to help the regular police. The USC was almost wholly Protestant. Members of the USC and regular police were involved in reprisal attacks on Catholic civilians.<ref>Farrell, Michael. ''Arming the Protestants: The Formation of the Ulster Special Constabulary and the Royal Ulster Constabulary''. Pluto Press, 1983. p.166</ref> A truce between British forces and the IRA was established on 11 July 1921, ending the fighting in most of Ireland. However, communal violence continued in Belfast, and in 1922 the IRA launched a guerrilla offensive along the new [[Irish border]].<ref>Lawlor, Pearse. ''The Outrages: The IRA and the Ulster Special Constabulary in the Border Campaign''. Mercier Press, 2011. pp.265–266</ref>

The [[Anglo-Irish Treaty]] was signed between representatives of the governments of the UK and the [[Irish Republic]] on 6 December 1921, laying out the process for the creation of the [[Irish Free State]]. Under the terms of the treaty, Northern Ireland would become part of the Free State unless its government opted out by presenting an address to the king, although in practice partition remained in place.<ref>{{cite book |last1=Martin |first1=Ged |editor1-last=Anderson |editor1-first=Malcolm |editor2-last=Bort |editor2-first=Eberhard |title=The Irish Border: History, Politics, Culture |date=1999 |publisher=Liverpool University Press |isbn=978-0853239512 |page=68 |chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=59OPsS6a4j4C&pg=PA68 |access-date=19 October 2015 |chapter=The Origins of Partition |archive-date=29 January 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170129062001/https://books.google.com/books?id=59OPsS6a4j4C&pg=PA68 |url-status=live}}</ref>
[[File:Coat of Arms of Northern Ireland.svg|thumb|The [[Coat of arms of Northern Ireland]] used between 1924 and 1973]]

The Irish Free State came into existence on 6 December 1922, and on the following day, the [[Parliament of Northern Ireland]] resolved to exercise its right to opt out of the Free State by making an address to King [[George V]].<ref>{{cite book |last1=Gibbons |first1=Ivan |title=The British Labour Party and the Establishment of the Irish Free State, 1918–1924 |date=2015 |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |isbn=978-1137444080 |page=107 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=pO6_CQAAQBAJ&pg=PA107 |access-date=19 October 2015 |archive-date=29 January 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170129061632/https://books.google.com/books?id=pO6_CQAAQBAJ&pg=PA107 |url-status=live}}</ref> The text of the address was: {{Blockquote|Most Gracious Sovereign, We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Senators and Commons of Northern Ireland in Parliament assembled, having learnt of the passing of the [[Irish Free State Constitution Act 1922]], being the Act of Parliament for the ratification of the Articles of Agreement for a Treaty between Great Britain and Ireland, do, by this humble Address, pray your Majesty that the powers of the Parliament and Government of the Irish Free State shall no longer extend to Northern Ireland.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://stormontpapers.ahds.ac.uk/stormontpapers/pageview.html?volumeno=2&pageno=1145#bak-2-1149 |title=The Stormont Papers – View Volumes |access-date=28 January 2008 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160415143605/http://stormontpapers.ahds.ac.uk/stormontpapers/pageview.html?volumeno=2&pageno=1145#bak-2-1149 |archive-date=15 April 2016}}; {{cite web |url=http://www.nationalarchives.ie/topics/anglo_irish/dfaexhib2.html |title=Anglo-Irish Treaty, sections 11, 12 |publisher=Nationalarchives.ie |date=6 December 1921 |access-date=7 August 2013 |archive-date=8 November 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171108213900/http://www.nationalarchives.ie/topics/anglo_irish/dfaexhib2.html |url-status=live}}</ref>}} Shortly afterwards, the [[Irish Boundary Commission]] was established to decide on the border between the Irish Free State and Northern Ireland. Owing to the outbreak of the [[Irish Civil War]], the work of the commission was delayed until 1925. The Free State government and Irish nationalists hoped for a large transfer of territory to the Free State, as many border areas had nationalist majorities. Many believed this would leave the remaining Northern Ireland territory too small to be viable.<ref>Knirck, Jason. ''Imagining Ireland's Independence: The Debates Over the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921''. Rowman & Littlefield, 2006. p.104</ref> However, the commission's final report recommended only small transfers of territory, and in both directions. The Free State, Northern Ireland, and UK governments agreed to suppress the report and accept the ''status quo'', while the UK government agreed that the Free State would no longer have to pay a share of the UK national debt.<ref>Lee, Joseph. ''Ireland, 1912–1985: Politics and Society''. Cambridge University Press, 1989. p.145</ref>

===1925–1965===
[[File:Northern Ireland Cabinet 1921.jpg|thumb|James Craig (centre) with members of the first government of Northern Ireland]]
[[File:Opening of the new Northern Ireland Parliament Buildings.jpg|thumb|Opening of the Northern Ireland parliament buildings ([[Parliament Buildings (Northern Ireland)|Stormont]]) in 1932]]

Northern Ireland's border was drawn to give it "a decisive Protestant majority". At the time of its creation, Northern Ireland's population was two-thirds Protestant and one-third Catholic.<ref name="McKittrick-McVea p5"/> Most Protestants were unionists/loyalists who sought to maintain Northern Ireland as a part of the United Kingdom, while most Catholics were Irish nationalists/republicans who sought an independent [[United Ireland]]. There was mutual self-imposed [[segregation in Northern Ireland]] between Protestants and Catholics such as in education, housing, and often employment.<ref name="Making Sense 17-19">McKittrick & McVea, pp.17–19</ref>

For its first fifty years, Northern Ireland had an unbroken series of [[Government of Northern Ireland (1921–1972)|Ulster Unionist Party governments]].<ref>McKittrick & McVea, p.6</ref> Every prime minister and almost every minister of these governments were members of the [[Orange Order]], as were all but 11 of the 149 [[Ulster Unionist Party]] (UUP) MPs elected during this time.<ref>McKittrick & McVea, p.14</ref> Almost all judges and magistrates were Protestant, many of them closely associated with the UUP. Northern Ireland's new police force was the [[Royal Ulster Constabulary]] (RUC), which succeeded the [[Royal Irish Constabulary]] (RIC). It too was almost wholly Protestant and lacked operational independence, responding to directions from government ministers. The RUC and the reserve [[Ulster Special Constabulary]] (USC) were militarized police forces due to the perceived threat of militant republicanism. In 1936 the British advocacy group - the [[Liberty (advocacy group)|National Council for Civil Liberties]] characterised the USC as "nothing but the organised army of the Unionist party".<ref>Boyd, Andrew (1984), ''Northern Ireland: Who is to Blame?'', The Mercier Press Limited, Dublin, p. 57, {{ISBN|0853427089}}</ref> They "had at their disposal the [[Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Act (Northern Ireland) 1922|Special Powers Act]], a sweeping piece of legislation which allowed arrests without warrant, internment without trial, unlimited search powers, and bans on meetings and publications".<ref>McKittrick & McVea, p. 11</ref> This 1922 Act was made permanent in 1933 and was not repealed until 1973.<ref>McGuffin, John (1973), ''Internment!'', Anvil Books Ltd, Tralee, Ireland, p. 23.</ref>

The [[Nationalist Party (Northern Ireland)|Nationalist Party]] was the main political party in opposition to the UUP governments. However, its elected members often protested by [[Abstentionism|abstaining]] from the Northern Ireland parliament, and many nationalists did not vote in parliamentary elections.<ref name="Making Sense 17-19"/> Other early nationalist groups which campaigned against partition included the [[National League of the North]] (formed in 1928), the [[Northern Council for Unity]] (formed in 1937) and the [[Irish Anti-Partition League]] (formed in 1945).<ref>Peter Barberis, John McHugh, Mike Tyldesley (editors). ''Encyclopedia of British and Irish Political Organizations''. A&C Black, 2000. pp.236–237</ref>

The Local Government Act (Northern Ireland) of 1922 allowed for the altering of municipal and rural boundaries. This Act led to the [[gerrymandering]] of local election boundaries in the Nationalists majority cities of Derry City, Enniskillen, Omagh, Armagh and many other towns and rural districts. That action ensured Unionist control over local councils in areas where they were a minority.<ref>Boyd, Andrew (1969), ''Holy War in Belfast'', Anvil Books Ltd, Tralee, pg 176.</ref> The UUP governments, and some UUP-dominated local authorities, discriminated against the Catholic and Irish nationalist minority; especially by the gerrymandering of local electoral boundaries, the allocation of public housing, public sector employment, and policing, showing "a consistent and irrefutable pattern of deliberate discrimination against Catholics".<ref>Whyte, John. "How much discrimination was there under the unionist regime, 1921–68?", in ''Contemporary Irish Studies''. Edited by Tom Gallagher and James O'Connell. Manchester University Press, 1983. pp.29–32</ref> Many Catholics/Nationalists saw the gerrymandered local electoral boundaries and the abolishing of [[proportional representation]] as proof of government-sponsored discrimination. Until 1969 a system was in place called [[plural voting]] which was a practice whereby one person might be able to vote multiple times in an election. Property and business owners could vote both in the constituency where their property lay and that in which they lived, if the two were different. This system often resulted in one person being able to cast multiple votes.<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.legislation.gov.uk/apni/1968/20/introduction |title=Electoral Law Act (Northern Ireland) 1968 |website=www.legislation.gov.uk |access-date=24 July 2023 |archive-date=6 August 2023 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230806071119/https://www.legislation.gov.uk/apni/1968/20/introduction |url-status=live }}</ref> Decades later, UUP [[First Minister and deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland|First Minister of Northern Ireland]], [[David Trimble]], said that Northern Ireland under the UUP had been a "cold house" for Catholics.<ref>{{cite web |last1=David |first1=Trimble |title=Nobel Lecture |url=https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/peace/1998/trimble/lecture/ |website=The Nobel Prize |access-date=8 August 2020 |archive-date=15 August 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210815173053/https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/peace/1998/trimble/lecture/ |url-status=live}}</ref>

[[File:Harbour office Belfast.jpg|thumb|[[Belfast Harbour|The Belfast Harbour Office]] has been the headquarters for the Harbour Commissioners for more than 150 years.]]
During [[World War II]], recruitment to the British military was noticeably lower than the high levels reached during World War I. In June 1940, to encourage the [[Irish neutrality|neutral Irish state]] to join with the [[Allies of World War II|Allies]], British Prime Minister [[Winston Churchill]] indicated to Taoiseach [[Éamon de Valera]] that the British government would encourage Irish unity, but believing that Churchill could not deliver, de Valera declined the offer.<ref>"Anglo-Irish Relations, 1939–41: A Study in Multilateral Diplomacy and Military Restraint" in ''Twentieth Century British History'' (Oxford Journals, 2005), {{ISSN|1477-4674}}</ref> The British did not inform the government of Northern Ireland that they had made the offer to the Dublin government, and de Valera's rejection was not publicised until 1970. Belfast was a key industrial city in the UK's war effort, producing ships, tanks, aircraft, and munitions. The unemployment that had been so persistent in the 1930s disappeared, and labour shortages appeared, prompting migration from the Free State. The city was thinly defended, and had only 24 anti-aircraft guns. Richard [[Dawson Bates]], the Minister for Home Affairs, had prepared too late, assuming that Belfast was far enough away to be safe. The city's fire brigade was inadequate, and as the Northern Ireland government had been reluctant to spend money on air raid shelters, it only started to build them after [[the Blitz]] in London during the autumn of 1940. There were no searchlights in the city, which made shooting down enemy bombers more difficult. In April–May 1941, the [[Belfast Blitz]] began when the ''[[Luftwaffe]]'' launched a series of raids that were the most deadly seen outside London. Working-class areas in the north and east of the city were particularly hard hit, and over 1,000 people were killed and hundreds were seriously injured. Tens of thousands of people fled the city in fear of future attacks. In the final raid, ''Luftwaffe'' bombs inflicted extensive damage to the docks and the [[Harland & Wolff]] shipyard, closing it for six months. Half of the city's houses had been destroyed, highlighting the terrible slum conditions in Belfast, and about £20 million worth of damage was caused. The Northern Ireland government was criticised heavily for its lack of preparation, and Northern Ireland Prime Minister [[J. M. Andrews]] resigned. There was a major munitions strike in 1944.<ref>Boyd Black, "A Triumph of Voluntarism? Industrial Relations and Strikes in Northern Ireland in World War Two," ''Labour History Review'' (2005) 70#1 pp 5–25</ref>

The [[Ireland Act 1949]] gave the first legal guarantee that the region would not cease to be part of the United Kingdom without the consent of the [[Parliament of Northern Ireland]].

From 1956 to 1962, the [[Irish Republican Army (1922–1969)|Irish Republican Army]] (IRA) carried out a limited guerrilla campaign in border areas of Northern Ireland, called the [[Border campaign (Irish Republican Army)|Border Campaign]]. It aimed to destabilize Northern Ireland and bring about an end to partition but failed.<ref>English, Richard. ''Armed Struggle: The History of the IRA''. Pan Macmillan, 2008. pp.72–74</ref>

In 1965, Northern Ireland's Prime Minister [[Terence O'Neill]] met the Taoiseach, [[Seán Lemass]]. It was the first meeting between the two heads of government since partition.<ref>[https://www.irishtimes.com/news/lemass-o-neill-talks-focused-on-purely-practical-matters-1.120295 "Lemass-O'Neill talks focused on `purely practical matters'"] {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210925161655/https://www.irishtimes.com/news/lemass-o-neill-talks-focused-on-purely-practical-matters-1.120295 |date=25 September 2021 }}. ''The Irish Times'', 2 January 1998.</ref>

===The Troubles===
{{Main|The Troubles}}
[[File:Troubles deaths by perpetrator.png|thumb|upright=2|Responsibility for Troubles-related deaths between 1969 and 2001]]

The Troubles, which started in the late 1960s, consisted of about 30 years of recurring acts of intense violence during which 3,254 people were killed<ref>Malcolm Sutton's book, "Bear in Mind These Dead: An Index of Deaths from the Conflict in Ireland 1969–1993.</ref> with over 50,000 casualties.<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.bbc.co.uk/history/topics/troubles_violence |title=BBC – History – The Troubles – Violence |website=BBC |access-date=24 December 2019 |archive-date=5 June 2013 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130605010515/http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/topics/troubles_violence |url-status=live}}</ref> From 1969 to 2003 there were over 36,900 shooting incidents and over 16,200 bombings or attempted bombings associated with The Troubles.<ref name="auto2"/> The conflict was caused by escalating tensions between the [[Irish nationalist]] minority and the dominant [[Unionism in Ireland|unionist majority]]; Irish nationalists object to Northern Ireland staying within the United Kingdom.<ref>{{cite web |url=http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/hmso/cameron2.htm#chap16 |title=The Cameron Report – Disturbances in Northern Ireland (1969) |website=cain.ulst.ac.uk |access-date=29 October 2011 |archive-date=1 June 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180601151429/http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/hmso/cameron2.htm#chap16 |url-status=live}}</ref> From 1967 to 1972 the [[Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association]] (NICRA), which modelled itself on the US civil rights movement, led a campaign of [[civil resistance]] to anti-Catholic discrimination in housing, employment, policing, and electoral procedures. The franchise for local government elections included only rate-payers and their spouses, and so excluded over a quarter of the electorate. While the majority of disenfranchised electors were Protestant, Catholics were over-represented since they were poorer and had more adults still living in the family home.<ref>[http://www.gale.cengage.com/pdf/whitepapers/gdc/Sectarianism.pdf History of sectarianism in NI] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140201224942/http://www.gale.cengage.com/pdf/whitepapers/gdc/Sectarianism.pdf |date= 1 February 2014 }}, gale.cengage.com; accessed 27 May 2015.</ref>

NICRA's campaign, seen by many unionists as an [[Irish republican]] front, and the violent reaction to it proved to be a precursor to a more violent period.<ref>Richard English, "The Interplay of Non-violent and Violent Action in Northern Ireland, 1967–72", in [[Adam Roberts (scholar)|Adam Roberts]] and [[Timothy Garton Ash]] (eds.), ''Civil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present'', Oxford University Press, 2009; {{ISBN|978-0-19-955201-6}}, pp. 75–90. [https://books.google.com/books?id=BxOQKrCe7UUC&q=Civil+resistance+and+power+politics] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170320185749/https://books.google.com/books?id=BxOQKrCe7UUC&dq=Civil+resistance+and+power+politics&source=gbs_navlinks_s|date=20 March 2017}}</ref> As early as 1969, armed campaigns of paramilitary groups began, including the [[Provisional Irish Republican Army campaign|Provisional IRA campaign of 1969–1997]] which was aimed at the end of British rule in Northern Ireland and the creation of a [[United Ireland]], and the [[Ulster Volunteer Force]], formed in 1966 in response to the perceived erosion of both the British character and unionist domination of Northern Ireland. The state security forces – the [[British Army]] and the police (the [[Royal Ulster Constabulary]]) – were also involved in the violence. The UK Government's position is that its forces were neutral in the conflict, trying to uphold law and order in Northern Ireland and the right of the people of Northern Ireland to democratic self-determination. Republicans regarded the state forces as [[combatant]]s in the conflict, pointing to the [[The Troubles#Collusion between security forces and paramilitaries|collusion between the state forces and the loyalist paramilitaries]] as proof of this. The "Ballast" investigation by the [[Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland]] has confirmed that British forces, and in particular the RUC, did collude with loyalist paramilitaries, were involved in murder, and did obstruct the course of justice when such claims had been investigated,<ref name="Ballast">[http://www.policeombudsman.org//Publicationsuploads/BALLAST%20PUBLIC%20STATEMENT%2022-01-07%20FINAL%20VERSION.pdf The Ballast report] {{webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080625041216/http://www.policeombudsman.org//Publicationsuploads/BALLAST%20PUBLIC%20STATEMENT%2022-01-07%20FINAL%20VERSION.pdf |date=25 June 2008 }}: "...the Police Ombudsman has concluded that this was collusion by certain police officers with identified UVF informants."</ref> although the extent to which such collusion occurred is still disputed.

As a consequence of the worsening security situation, the autonomous regional government for Northern Ireland was suspended in 1972. Alongside the violence, there was a political deadlock between the major political parties in Northern Ireland, including those who condemned the violence, over the future status of Northern Ireland and the form of government there should be within Northern Ireland. In 1973, [[1973 Northern Ireland border poll|Northern Ireland held a referendum]] to determine if it should remain in the United Kingdom, or be part of a united Ireland. The vote went heavily in favour (98.9%) of maintaining the status quo. Approximately 57.5% of the total electorate voted in support, but only 1% of Catholics voted following a boycott organised by the [[Social Democratic and Labour Party]] (SDLP).<ref>{{cite news |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/march/9/newsid_2516000/2516477.stm |work=BBC News |title=1973: Northern Ireland votes for union |date=9 March 1973 |access-date=20 May 2010 |archive-date=27 December 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171227020253/http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/march/9/newsid_2516000/2516477.stm |url-status=live}}</ref> The deaths of 10 men during the [[1981 Irish hunger strike]] brought worldwide attention to the Republican prisoners being held in prison ([[HM Prison Maze]]) in Northern Ireland.<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/events/hstrike/dead.htm |title=Names of Hunger Strikers (1981) |author=<!--Not stated--> |date=14 May 2024 |website= |publisher=Cain Web Service |access-date=30 November 2024 |quote= |archive-date=24 July 2024 |archive-url=https://archive.today/20240724164957/https://cain.ulster.ac.uk/events/hstrike/dead.htm |url-status=bot: unknown }}</ref>

===Peace process===
{{Main|Northern Ireland peace process}}
[[File:Foyle Bridge Derry at Dusk Oblique.jpg|thumb|[[Peace Bridge (Foyle)|Derry Peace Bridge]], over the [[River Foyle]]]]

The Troubles were brought to an uneasy end by a peace process that included the declaration of ceasefires by most paramilitary organisations and the complete decommissioning of their weapons, the reform of the police, and the corresponding withdrawal of army troops from the streets and sensitive border areas such as South Armagh and [[Fermanagh]], as agreed by the signatories to the [[Good Friday Agreement]] (also known as the "Belfast Agreement"). This reiterated the long-held British position, which had never before been fully acknowledged by successive Irish governments, that Northern Ireland will remain within the United Kingdom until a majority of voters in Northern Ireland decides otherwise. The [[Constitution of Ireland]] was amended in 1999 to remove a claim of the "Irish nation" to sovereignty over the entire island (in Article 2).<ref>{{Cite web |url=http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/546146.stm |title=BBC News {{!}} NORTHERN IRELAND {{!}} Republic drops claim to NI |website=BBC News |access-date=23 July 2018 |archive-date=6 April 2003 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20030406224757/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/546146.stm |url-status=live}}</ref>

The new [[Articles 2 and 3 of the Constitution of Ireland|Articles 2 and 3]], added to the Constitution to replace the earlier articles, implicitly acknowledge that the status of Northern Ireland, and its relationships within the rest of the United Kingdom and with the Republic of Ireland, would only be changed with the agreement of a majority of voters in each jurisdiction. This aspect was also central to the Belfast Agreement which was signed in 1998 and ratified by referendums held simultaneously in both Northern Ireland and the Republic. At the same time, the UK Government recognised for the first time, as part of the prospective, the so-called "Irish dimension": the principle that the people of the island of Ireland as a whole have the right, without any outside interference, to solve the issues between North and South by mutual consent.<ref name="Parliament">[https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm199394/cmhansrd/1993-12-15/Debate-1.html Parliamentary debate] {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20101010094440/http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm199394/cmhansrd/1993-12-15/Debate-1.html |date=10 October 2010 }}: "The British government agree that it is for the people of the island of Ireland alone, by agreement between the two parts respectively, to exercise their right of self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and concurrently given, North and South, to bring about a united Ireland, if that is their wish."</ref> The latter statement was key to winning support for the agreement from nationalists. It established a devolved power-sharing government, the [[Northern Ireland Assembly]], located on the [[Stormont Estate]], which must consist of both unionist and nationalist parties. These institutions were suspended by the [[Government of the United Kingdom|UK Government]] in 2002 after [[Police Service of Northern Ireland]] (PSNI) allegations of spying by people working for Sinn Féin at the Assembly ([[Stormontgate]]). The resulting case against the accused Sinn Féin member collapsed.<ref>{{Cite web |url=https://www.anphoblacht.com/contents/14561 |title=Securocrat sabotage exposed &#124; An Phoblacht |website=www.anphoblacht.com |access-date=25 January 2021 |archive-date=30 January 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210130201326/https://www.anphoblacht.com/contents/14561 |url-status=live}}; {{Cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=v3SFzfha7VYC&q=collapse+stormontgate+donaldson&pg=PA306 |title=Bear in Mind These Dead |isbn=978-0571252183 |last1=McKay |first1=Susan |date=2009 |publisher=Faber & Faber |access-date=19 October 2020 |archive-date=13 April 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210413214647/https://books.google.com/books?id=v3SFzfha7VYC&q=collapse+stormontgate+donaldson&pg=PA306 |url-status=live}}</ref>

On 28 July 2005, the Provisional IRA declared an end to its campaign and has since decommissioned what is thought to be all of its [[arsenal]]. This final act of decommissioning was performed under the watch of the [[Independent International Commission on Decommissioning]] (IICD) and two external church witnesses. Many unionists, however, remained sceptical. The IICD later confirmed that the main loyalist paramilitary groups, the [[Ulster Defence Association]], UVF, and the [[Red Hand Commando]], had decommissioned what is thought to be all of their arsenals, witnessed by former archbishop [[Robin Eames]] and a former top civil servant.<ref>[http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/8442683.stm "UDA confirm guns decommissioned"] {{Webarchive |url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170912045557/http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/northern_ireland/8442683.stm |date=12 September 2017 }} BBC news; retrieved 29 January 2014</ref>

Politicians elected to the Assembly at the [[2003 Northern Ireland Assembly election|2003 Assembly election]] were called together on 15 May 2006 under the Northern Ireland Act 2006<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.opsi.gov.uk/acts/acts2006/ukpga_20060017_en_1 |title=Northern Ireland Act 2006 (c. 17) |publisher=Opsi.gov.uk |access-date=16 June 2010 |archive-date=8 December 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20091208064049/http://www.opsi.gov.uk/acts/acts2006/ukpga_20060017_en_1 |url-status=live}}</ref> to elect a [[First Minister and deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland]] and choose the members of an Executive (before 25 November 2006) as a preliminary step to the restoration of devolved government.

Following the [[2007 Northern Ireland Assembly election|election on 7 March 2007]], the devolved government returned on 8 May 2007 with [[Democratic Unionist Party]] (DUP) leader [[Ian Paisley]] and Sinn Féin deputy leader [[Martin McGuinness]] taking office as First Minister and deputy First Minister, respectively.<ref>(BBC)</ref> In its [[white paper]] on [[Brexit]] the United Kingdom government reiterated its commitment to the Belfast Agreement. Concerning Northern Ireland's status, it said that the UK Government's "clearly-stated preference is to retain Northern Ireland's current constitutional position: as part of the UK, but with strong links to Ireland".<ref>HM Government ''The United Kingdom's exit from and new partnership with the European Union''; Cm 9417, February 2017</ref>

===Executive crisis 2022–2024===
On 3 February 2022, [[Paul Givan]] resigned as first minister, which automatically resigned [[Michelle O'Neill]] as deputy first minister and collapsed the executive of Northern Ireland.<ref>{{Cite web |date=3 February 2022 |title=DUP's Paul Givan resigns as Northern Ireland first minister, as Taoiseach brands it 'very damaging move' |url=https://www.independent.ie/irish-news/dups-paul-givan-resigns-as-northern-ireland-first-minister-as-taoiseach-brands-it-very-damaging-move/41307670.html |access-date=30 January 2024 |website=Independent.ie |language=en}}</ref> On 30 January 2024, leader of the DUP [[Jeffrey Donaldson]] announced that the DUP would restore an executive government on the condition that new legislation was passed by the UK House of Commons.<ref>{{Cite news |date=30 January 2024 |title=DUP executive endorses deal to restore devolution at Stormont |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-68136950 |access-date=30 January 2024 |work=BBC News |language=en-GB}}</ref>