Editing Neo-fascism (section)

== History ==
{{fascism sidebar|variants}}
According to [[Jean-Yves Camus]] and [[Nicolas Lebourg]], the neo-fascist ideology emerged in 1942, after [[Nazi Germany]] [[Operation Barbarossa|invaded the USSR]] and decided to reorient its [[Propaganda in World War II|propaganda]] on a Europeanist ground.<ref name=":1"/> Europe then became both the myth and the utopia of the neo-fascists, who abandoned previous theories of racial inequalities within the white race to share a common [[Pan-European nationalism|euro-nationalist]] stance after World War II, embodied in [[Oswald Mosley]]'s [[Europe a Nation]] policy.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Laqueur |first=Walter |title=Fascism: Past, Present, Future |date=1997 |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |isbn=9780198025276 |pages=93–94 |language=en}}</ref> The following chronology can therefore be delineated: an ideological gestation before 1919; the historical experience of [[fascism]] between 1919 and 1942, unfolded in several phases; and finally neo-fascism from 1942 onward.<ref name=":1">{{Cite book |last1=Camus |first1=Jean-Yves |title=Far-Right Politics in Europe |last2=Lebourg |first2=Nicolas |date=20 March 2017 |publisher=[[Harvard University Press]] |isbn=9780674971530 |pages=9–10, p. [https://books.google.com/books?id=_j5YDgAAQBAJ&pg=PA38 38] |no-pp=y |language=en }}</ref>

Drawing inspiration from the [[Italian Social Republic]], institutional neo-fascism took the form of the [[Italian Social Movement]] (MSI). It became one of the chief reference points for the European far-right until the late 1980s,<ref>{{Cite book |last=Ignazi |first=Piero |title=Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe |date=2003 |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |isbn=9780198293255 |pages=51 |language=en}}</ref> and "the best (and only) example of a Neofascist party", in the words of political scientist [[Cas Mudde]].<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Casadio |first=Massimiliano Capra |date=2014 |title=The New Right and Metapolitics in France and Italy |journal=[[Journal for the Study of Radicalism]] |volume=8 |issue=1 |pages=45–86 |doi=10.14321/jstudradi.8.1.0045 |issn=1930-1189 |jstor=10.14321/jstudradi.8.1.0045 |s2cid=144052579}}</ref> At the initiative of the MSI, the [[European Social Movement]] was established in 1951 as a pan-European organization of like-minded neo-fascist groups and figures such as the [[Francoist]] [[FET y de las JONS|Falange]], [[Maurice Bardèche]], [[Per Engdahl]], and [[Oswald Mosley]].<ref>{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=c5opW1yV7FcC&pg=PA592 |title=The Oxford handbook of fascism |last=Bosworth |first=R. J. B. |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |year=2009 |isbn=978-0-19-929131-1 |page=592 |via=[[Google Books]]}}</ref> Other organizations like [[Jeune Nation]] called in the late 1950s for an extra-parliamentarian insurrection against the regime in what amounts to a remnant of pre-war fascist strategies.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Gautier |first=Jean-Paul |title=Les extrêmes droites en France: De 1945 à nos jours |trans-title=The extreme right in France: From 1945 to the present day |date=2017 |publisher=Syllepse |isbn=9782849505700 |pages=40–41 |language=fr}}</ref> The main driving force of neo-fascist movements was what they saw as the defense of a Western civilization from the rise of both communism and the [[Third World]], in some cases the loss of the colonial empire.<ref>{{Cite book |last=Sedgwick |first=Mark |title=Key Thinkers of the Radical Right: Behind the New Threat to Liberal Democracy |date=2019 |publisher=[[Oxford University Press]] |isbn=9780190877613 |pages=79 |language=en}}</ref>

In 1961, Bardèche redefined the nature of fascism in a book deemed influential in the European far-right at large entitled {{lang|fr|Qu'est-ce que le fascisme?}} (''What Is Fascism?''). He argued that previous fascists had essentially made two mistakes in that they focused their efforts on the methods rather than the original "idea"; and they wrongly believed that fascist society could be achieved via the nation-state as opposed to the construction of Europe. According to him, fascism could survive the 20th century in a new [[metapolitical]] guise if its theorists succeed in building inventive methods adapted to the changes of their times; the aim being the promotion of the core politico-cultural fascist project rather than vain attempts to revive doomed regimes:<ref>{{Cite book |last=Bar-On |first=Tamir |title=Where Have All The Fascists Gone? |date=2016 |publisher=[[Routledge]] |isbn=9781351873130 |pages=[https://books.google.com/books?id=N5KoDQAAQBAJ&pg=PT14 PT14] |language=en }}</ref> In addition, Bardèche wrote: "The single party, the secret police, the public displays of Caesarism, even the presence of a [[Führer]] are not necessarily attributes of fascism. ... The famous fascist methods are constantly revised and will continue to be revised. More important than the mechanism is the idea which fascism has created for itself of man and freedom. ... With another name, another face, and with nothing which betrays the projection from the past, with the form of a child we do not recognize and the head of a young Medusa, the Order of Sparta will be reborn: and paradoxically it will, without doubt, be the last bastion of Freedom and the sweetness of living."<ref>Bardèche, Mauriche (1961). ''Qu'est-ce que le fascisme?''. Paris: Les Sept Couleurs. pp. 175–176.</ref>

In the spirit of Bardèche's strategy of disguise through framework change, the MSI had developed a policy of ''inserimento'' (insertion, [[entryism]]), which relied on gaining political acceptance via the cooperation with other parties within the democratic system. In the political context of the [[Cold War]], [[anti-communism]] began to replace [[anti-fascism]] as the dominant trend in liberal democracies. In Italy, the MSI became a support group in parliament for the Christian Democratic government in the late 1950s–early 1960s, but was forced back into "political ghetto" after anti-fascist protests and violent street clashes occurred between radical leftist and far-right groups, leading to the demise of the short-lived fascist-backed [[Tambroni Cabinet]] in July 1960.<ref name=":0">{{Cite book|last1=Fella|first1=Stefano|title=Re-inventing the Italian Right: Territorial Politics, Populism and 'post-fascism'|last2=Ruzza|first2=Carlo|date=2009|publisher=Routledge|isbn=9781134286348|pages=[https://books.google.com/books?id=R6CjdfEXpPUC&pg=PA15 13–16]|no-pp=y|language=en}}</ref>

The [[psychologist]] David Pavón-Cuéllar, of the [[Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolás de Hidalgo]], has argued that the emergence of [[neoliberalism]] in the late-twentieth century prompted neoliberalist politicians to utilize neo-fascism as a means to remove all limits to capital (including [[labor laws]], [[social rights]] and [[tariffs]]). According to Pavón-Cuéllar, this is done by employing the [[aestheticization of politics]] and by using the [[narcissism of small differences]] to find a [[Outgroup (sociology)|target for hate]], maintain a [[social hierarchy]] instead of protecting all individuals.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Pavón-Cuellar|first=David|year=2020|title=Turning from Neoliberalism to Neo-Fascism: Universalization and Segregation in the Capitalist System|journal=Desde el Jardín de Freud|publisher=[[National University of Colombia]]|volume=20|pages=19–38|doi=10.15446/djf.n20.90161|s2cid=226731094|doi-access=free}}</ref>