Editing Munich Agreement (section)

==History==
{{Territorial evolution of Germany}}
{{Events leading to World War II}}

===Background===

====Demands for autonomy====
[[File:Sudetendeutsche.png|thumb|Czech districts with an ethnic German population in 1934 of 20% or more (pink), 50% or more (red) and 80% or more (dark red)<ref>{{cite book|title=Statistický lexikon obcí v Republice československé I. Země česká|year=1934|place=Prague}}<br />{{cite book|title=Statistický lexikon obcí v Republice česko7slovenské II. Země moravskoslezská|year=1935|place=Prague}}</ref> in 1935]]
[[File:Konrad Henlein (1898-1945).jpg|thumb|upright|[[Konrad Henlein]], leader of the [[Sudeten German Party]] (SdP), a branch of the Nazi Party of Germany in Czechoslovakia]]
[[File:Edvard Beneš.jpg|left|thumb|upright|[[Edvard Beneš]], [[president of Czechoslovakia]] and leader of the [[Czechoslovak government-in-exile]]]]

The [[First Czechoslovak Republic]] was created in 1918 following  the [[Dissolution of Austria-Hungary|collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire]] at the end of [[World War I]]. The [[Treaty of Saint-Germain]] recognized the independence of Czechoslovakia and the [[Treaty of Trianon]] defined the borders of the new state, which was divided into the regions of  [[Bohemia]] and [[Moravia]] in the west and Slovakia and [[Subcarpathian Rus']] in the east, including more than three million Germans, 22.95% of the total population of the country. They lived mostly in border regions of the historical [[Czech Lands]] for which they coined the new name [[Sudetenland]], which bordered on [[Weimar Republic|Germany]] and the newly created country of [[First Austrian Republic|Austria]].<ref>{{Cite book |last=Glassheim |first=Eagle |url=https://www.worldcat.org/title/951158062 |title=Cleansing the Czechoslovak borderlands: migration, environment, and health in the former Sudetenland |date=2016 |publisher=University of Pittsburgh Press |isbn=978-0-8229-6426-1 |series=Pitt series in Russian and East European studies |location=Pittsburgh, Pa |oclc=951158062}}</ref>

The Sudeten Germans were not consulted on whether they wished to be citizens of Czechoslovakia. Although the constitution guaranteed equality for all citizens, there was a tendency among political leaders to transform the country "into an instrument of [[Czech nationalism|Czech]] and [[Slovak nationalism]]."<ref>Douglas, R. M. (2012), ''Orderly and Humane'', New Haven: Yale University Press, p. 9</ref> Some progress was made to integrate the Germans and other minorities, but they continued to be underrepresented in the government and the army. Moreover, the Great Depression, beginning in 1929, impacted the highly industrialized and export-oriented Sudeten Germans more than it did the Czech and Slovak populations. By 1936, 60 percent of the unemployed people in Czechoslovakia were Germans.<ref>Douglas, pp. 7–12</ref>

In 1933, Sudeten German leader [[Konrad Henlein]] founded the [[Sudeten German Party]] (SdP), which was "militant, populist, and openly hostile" to the Czechoslovak government. It soon captured two-thirds of the vote in  districts with a heavy German population. Historians differ as to whether the SdP was a Nazi [[front organisation]] from its beginning, or if it evolved into one.<ref name="Eleanor L. Turk 1999. Pp. 123">Eleanor L. Turk. ''The History of Germany''. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1999. {{ISBN|9780313302749}}. p. 123.</ref><ref>Douglas, pp. 12–13</ref> By 1935, the SdP was the second-largest political party in Czechoslovakia as German votes concentrated on this party, and Czech and Slovak votes were spread among several parties.<ref name="Eleanor L. Turk 1999. Pp. 123" />

Shortly after the ''[[Anschluss]]'' of Austria to Germany, Henlein met with Hitler in Berlin on 28 March 1938, and was instructed to make demands unacceptable to the democratic Czechoslovak government, led by President [[Edvard Beneš]]. On 24 April, the SdP issued a series of demands known as the [[Karlsbader Programm]].{{sfn|Noakes|Pridham|2010|loc=Vol. 3|pp=100–101}} Henlein demanded autonomy for Germans in Czechoslovakia.<ref name="Eleanor L. Turk 1999. Pp. 123" /> The Czechoslovak government responded by saying that it was willing to provide more [[minority rights]] to the German minority but was initially reluctant to grant autonomy.<ref name="Eleanor L. Turk 1999. Pp. 123" /> The SdP gained 88% of the ethnic German votes in May 1938.<ref>{{cite book|last=Hruška|first=E.|date=2013|title=Boj o pohraničí: Sudetoněmecký Freikorps v roce 1938|language=cs|publisher=Nakladatelství epocha|place=Prague|page=11}}</ref>

With tension high between the Germans and the Czechoslovak government, Beneš, on 15 September 1938, secretly offered to give {{convert|6000|sqkm|sqmi}} of Czechoslovakia to Germany, in exchange for a German agreement to admit 1.5 to 2.0&nbsp;million Sudeten Germans expelled by Czechoslovakia. Hitler did not reply.<ref>Douglas, p. 18</ref>

====Sudeten crisis====
{{further|Sudetendeutsches Freikorps}}
As the previous [[appeasement of Hitler]] had shown, France and Britain were intent on avoiding war. The French government did not wish to face Germany alone and took its lead from [[British Conservative]] government of Prime Minister [[Neville Chamberlain]]. He considered the Sudeten German grievances justified and believed Hitler's intentions to be limited. Both Britain and France, therefore, advised Czechoslovakia to accede to Germany's demands. Beneš resisted and, on 19 May, initiated a partial [[mobilization]] in response to a possible German invasion.{{sfn|Noakes|Pridham|2010|loc=Vol. 3|p=102}}

On 20 May, Hitler presented his generals with a draft plan of attack on Czechoslovakia that was codenamed [[Fall Grün (Czechoslovakia)|Operation Green]].{{sfn|Noakes|Pridham|2010|loc=vol. 3 p. 101}} He insisted that he would not "smash Czechoslovakia" militarily without "provocation", "a particularly favourable opportunity" or "adequate political justification."{{sfn|Noakes|Pridham|2010|loc=vol. 3 pp. 1001–1002}} On 28 May, Hitler called a meeting of his service chiefs, ordered an acceleration of [[U-boat]] construction and brought forward the construction of his new battleships, ''[[German battleship Bismarck|Bismarck]]'' and ''[[German battleship Tirpitz|Tirpitz]],'' to spring 1940. He demanded that the increase in the firepower of the battleships ''[[Scharnhorst]]'' and ''[[German battleship Gneisenau|Gneisenau]]'' be accelerated.{{sfn|Noakes|Pridham|2010|loc=vol. 3 p. 102}} While recognizing that this would still be insufficient for a full-scale [[naval war]] with Britain, Hitler hoped it would be a sufficient deterrent.{{sfn|Noakes|Pridham|2010|loc=vol. 3 p. 104}} Ten days later, Hitler signed a secret directive for war against Czechoslovakia to begin no later than 1 October.{{sfn|Noakes|Pridham|2010|loc=vol. 3 p. 102}}

On 22 May, [[Juliusz Łukasiewicz]], the Polish ambassador to France, told French Foreign Minister [[Georges Bonnet]] that if France moved against Germany to defend Czechoslovakia, "We shall not move." Łukasiewicz also told Bonnet that Poland would oppose any attempt by Soviet forces to defend Czechoslovakia from Germany. [[Édouard Daladier]] told [[Jakob Suritz]], the Soviet ambassador to France, "Not only can we not count on Polish support but we have no faith that Poland will not strike us in the back."<ref name="Paul N. Hehn 2005 89">{{cite book|first=Paul N |last=Hehn| title=A Low, Dishonest Decade: The Great Powers, Eastern Europe and the Economic Origins of World War II, 1930–1941|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=nOALhEZkYDkC&q=%22we+shall+not+move%22 |year=2005|publisher=Bloomsbury Academic|page=89|isbn=9780826417619}}</ref> However, the Polish government indicated multiple times (in March 1936 and May, June and August 1938) that it was prepared to fight Germany if the French decided to help Czechoslovakia: "Beck's proposal to Bonnet, his statements to Ambassador Drexel Biddle, and the statement noted by Vansittart, show that the Polish foreign minister was, indeed, prepared to carry out a radical change of policy if the Western powers decided on war with Germany. However, these proposals and statements did not elicit any reaction from British and French governments that were bent on averting war by appeasing Germany."<ref name="Goldstein E., Lukes, I.">{{Citation
| first1     = Erik
| last1      = Goldstein
| first2     = Igor
| last2      = Lukes
| year       = 1999
| title      = The Munich Crisis, 1938: Prelude to World War II
| place      = New York
| pages      = 59–60
| url        = https://books.google.com/books?id=UzeeAO54m7gC&q=polish+demands+21+september+1938&pg=PA60
| access-date = 25 August 2019
| isbn = 9781136328398
}}</ref>

[[File:Bunkr Skutina 3 - panoramio.jpg|thumb|Czechoslovakia built a [[Czechoslovak border fortifications|system of border fortifications]] from 1935 to 1938 as a defensive countermeasure against the rising threat of Nazi Germany.]]
Hitler's adjutant, [[Fritz Wiedemann]], recalled after the war that he was "very shocked" by Hitler's new plans to attack Britain and France three to four years after "deal[ing] with the situation" in Czechoslovakia.{{sfn|Noakes|Pridham|2010|loc=vol. 3 pp. 102–103}} General [[Ludwig Beck]], chief of the [[German general staff]], noted that Hitler's change of heart in favour of quick action was because Czechoslovak defences were still being improvised, which would no longer be the case two to three years later, and [[British rearmament]] would  not come into effect until 1941 or 1942.{{sfn|Noakes|Pridham|2010|loc=vol. 3 p. 104}} General [[Alfred Jodl]] noted in his diary that the partial Czechoslovak mobilization of 21 May had led Hitler to issue a new order for Operation Green on 30 May and that it was accompanied by a covering letter from [[Wilhelm Keitel]] that stated that the plan must be implemented by 1 October at the very latest.{{sfn|Noakes|Pridham|2010|loc=vol. 3 p. 104}}

In the meantime, the British government demanded that Beneš [[Runciman Mission|request a mediator]]. Not wishing to sever his government's ties with [[Western Europe]], Beneš reluctantly accepted. The British appointed [[Lord Runciman]], a former [[Liberal Party (UK)|Liberal]] cabinet minister, who arrived in Prague on 3 August with instructions to persuade Beneš to agree to a plan acceptable to the Sudeten Germans.{{sfn|Bell|1986|p=238}} On 20 July, Bonnet told the Czechoslovak ambassador in Paris that while France would declare its support in public to help the Czechoslovak negotiations, it was not prepared to go to war over Sudetenland.{{sfn|Bell|1986|p=238}} In August, the German press was full of stories alleging Czechoslovak atrocities against Sudeten Germans, with the intention of forcing the West into putting pressure on the Czechoslovaks to make concessions.{{sfn|Noakes|Pridham|2010|loc=vol. 2 p. 201}} Hitler hoped that the Czechoslovaks would refuse and that the West would then feel morally justified in leaving the Czechoslovaks to their fate.{{sfn|Noakes|Pridham|2010|loc=vol. 3 p. 105}} In August, Germany sent 750,000 soldiers along the border of Czechoslovakia, officially as part of army maneuvres.<ref name="Eleanor L. Turk 1999. Pp. 123"/>{{sfn|Noakes|Pridham|2010|loc=vol. 3 p. 105}} On 4 or 5 September,{{sfn|Bell|1986|p=238}} Beneš submitted the Fourth Plan, granting nearly all the demands of the agreement. The Sudeten Germans were under instruction from Hitler to avoid a compromise,{{sfn|Noakes|Pridham|2010|loc=vol. 3 p. 105}} and the SdP held demonstrations that provoked a police action in [[Ostrava]] on 7 September, in which two of their parliamentary deputies were arrested.{{sfn|Bell|1986|p=238}} The Sudeten Germans used the incident and false allegations of other atrocities as an excuse to break off further negotiations.{{sfn|Bell|1986|p=238}}{{sfn|Noakes|Pridham|2010|loc=Vol. 3|p=105}}

[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 183-H12478, Obersalzberg, Münchener Abkommen, Vorbereitung.jpg|thumb|upright=1|Hitler greeting Chamberlain on the steps of the Berghof, 15 September 1938]]
On 12 September, Hitler made a speech at a [[Nuremberg rallies|Nazi Party rally in Nuremberg]] on the Sudeten crisis  condemning the actions of the government of Czechoslovakia.<ref name="Eleanor L. Turk 1999. Pp. 123"/> Hitler denounced Czechoslovakia as being a fraudulent state that was in violation of international law's emphasis of national [[self-determination]], claiming it was a Czech hegemony although the [[Germans]], the [[Slovaks]], the [[Hungarians]], the [[Ukrainians]] and the [[Polish people|Poles]] of the country actually wanted to be in a union with the Czechs.<ref name="Adolf Hitler 2007. Pp. 626">Adolf Hitler, [[Max Domarus]]. ''The Essential Hitler: Speeches and Commentary''. Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers, 2007. {{ISBN|9780865166271}}. p. 626.</ref> Hitler accused Beneš of seeking to gradually exterminate the Sudeten Germans and claimed that since Czechoslovakia's creation, over 600,000 Germans had been intentionally forced out of their homes under the threat of starvation if they did not leave.<ref name="Adolf Hitler 2007. Pp. 627">Adolf Hitler, Max Domarus. ''The Essential Hitler: Speeches and Commentary''. Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers, 2007. {{ISBN|9780865166271}}. p. 627.</ref> He alleged that Beneš's government was persecuting Germans along with Hungarians, Poles, and Slovaks and accused Beneš of threatening the nationalities with being branded traitors if they were not loyal to the country.<ref name="Adolf Hitler 2007. Pp. 626" /> He stated that he, as the head of state of Germany, would support the right of the self-determination of fellow Germans in the Sudetenland.<ref name="Adolf Hitler 2007. Pp. 626" /> He condemned Beneš for his government's recent execution of several German protesters.<ref name="Adolf Hitler 2007. Pp. 626" /> He accused Beneš of being belligerent and threatening behaviour towards Germany which, if war broke out, would result in Beneš forcing Sudeten Germans to fight against their will against Germans from Germany.<ref name="Adolf Hitler 2007. Pp. 626" /> Hitler accused the government of Czechoslovakia of being a [[client regime]] of [[France]], claiming that the French Minister of Aviation [[Pierre Cot]] had said, "We need this state as a base from which to drop bombs with greater ease to destroy Germany's economy and its industry."<ref name="Adolf Hitler 2007. Pp. 627" />

===Berchtesgaden meeting===
[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 146-1976-063-32, Bad Godesberg, Münchener Abkommen, Vorbereitung.jpg|left|thumb|Chamberlain greeted by Hitler at the beginning of the Bad Godesberg meeting on 24 September 1938]]
On 13 September, after internal violence and disruption in Czechoslovakia ensued, Chamberlain asked Hitler for a personal meeting to find a solution to avert a war.{{sfn|Bell|1986|p=239}} Chamberlain decided to do this after conferring with his advisors [[Lord Halifax]], [[Sir John Simon]], and [[Samuel Hoare, 1st Viscount Templewood|Sir Samuel Hoare]]. The meeting was announced at a special press briefing at [[10 Downing Street]], and led to a swell of optimism in British public opinion.<ref name=Reynolds>{{Cite book|last=Reynolds|first=David|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/646810103|title=Summits : six meetings that shaped the twentieth century|date=2009|publisher=Basic Books|isbn=9780786744589|location=New York|oclc=646810103}}</ref> Chamberlain arrived by a chartered [[British Airways]] [[Lockheed Model 10 Electra|Lockheed Electra]] in Germany on 15 September and then arrived at [[Obersalzberg|Hitler's residence]] in [[Berchtesgaden]] for the meeting.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 71">Santi Corvaja, Robert L. Miller. ''Hitler & Mussolini: The Secret Meetings''. New York: Enigma Books, 2008. {{ISBN|9781929631421}}. p. 71.</ref> The flight was one of the first times a head of state or diplomatic official flew to a diplomatic meeting in an [[airplane]], as the tense situation left little time to take a [[train]] or [[boat]].<ref name=Reynolds /> Henlein flew to Germany on the same day.{{sfn|Bell|1986|p=239}} That day, Hitler and Chamberlain held discussions in which Hitler insisted that the Sudeten Germans must be allowed to exercise the right of national self-determination and be able to join Sudetenland with Germany. Hitler repeatedly falsely claimed that the Czechoslovak government had killed 300 Sudeten Germans.<ref name=Reynolds /> Hitler also expressed concern to Chamberlain about what he perceived as British "threats."<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 71" /> Chamberlain responded that he had not issued "threats" and in frustration asked Hitler "Why did I come over here to waste my time?"<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 71" /> Hitler responded that if Chamberlain was willing to accept the self-determination of the Sudeten Germans, he would be willing to discuss the matter.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 71" /> Hitler also convinced Chamberlain that he did not truly wish to destroy Czechoslovakia, but that he believed that upon a German annexation of the Sudetenland the country's [[minorities]] would each secede and cause the country to collapse.<ref name=Reynolds /> Chamberlain and Hitler held discussions for three hours, and the meeting adjourned. Chamberlain flew back to Britain and met with his cabinet to discuss the issue.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 71" />

After the meeting, Daladier flew to London on 16 September to meet with British officials to discuss a course of action.<ref>Santi Corvaja, Robert L. Miller. ''Hitler & Mussolini: The Secret Meetings''. New York: Enigma Books, 2008. {{ISBN|9781929631421}}. pp. 71–72.</ref> The situation in Czechoslovakia became tenser that day, with the Czechoslovak government issuing an arrest warrant for Henlein, who had arrived in Germany a day earlier to take part in the negotiations.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008, pp. 72">Santi Corvaja, Robert L. Miller. ''Hitler & Mussolini: The Secret Meetings''. New York: Enigma Books, 2008. {{ISBN|9781929631421}}. p. 72.</ref> The French proposals ranged from waging war against Germany to supporting the Sudetenland being ceded to Germany.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008, pp. 72" /> The discussions ended with a firm British-French plan in place.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008, pp. 72" /> Britain and France demanded that Czechoslovakia cede to Germany all territories in which the German population represented over 50% of the Sudetenland's total population.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008, pp. 72" /> In exchange for that concession, Britain and France would guarantee the independence of Czechoslovakia.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008, pp. 72" /> Czechoslovakia rejected the proposed solution.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008, pp. 72" />

[[File:Čs. vojáci v Krásné Lípě.gif|thumb|Czechoslovak Army soldiers on patrol in the Sudetenland in September 1938]]

On 17 September 1938 Hitler ordered the establishment of ''[[Sudetendeutsches Freikorps]]'', a [[paramilitary organization]] that took over the structure of Ordnersgruppe, an organization of ethnic [[Germans in Czechoslovakia (1918–1938)|Germans in Czechoslovakia]] that had been dissolved by the Czechoslovak authorities the previous day due to its implication in a large number of [[terrorist]] activities. The organization was sheltered, trained and equipped by German authorities and conducted cross-border terrorist operations into Czechoslovak territory. Relying on the [[War of aggression#The Convention for the Definition of Aggression|Convention for the Definition of Aggression]], Czechoslovak president Edvard Beneš<ref>President Beneš' declaration made on 16 December 1941</ref> and the [[Czechoslovak government-in-exile|government-in-exile]]<ref>Note of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile dated 22 February 1944</ref> later regarded 17 September 1938 as the beginning of the undeclared German-Czechoslovak war. This understanding has been assumed also by the contemporary [[Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic|Czech Constitutional court]].<ref name="Con Court ruling">{{Citation
| last       = Constitutional Court of the Czech Republic
| year       = 1997
| title      = Ruling No. II. ÚS 307/97
| location = Brno
| language   = cs
}} ''Stran interpretace "kdy země vede válku", obsažené v čl. I Úmluvy o naturalizaci mezi Československem a Spojenými státy, publikované pod č. 169/1929 Sb. za účelem zjištění, zda je splněna podmínka státního občanství dle restitučních předpisů, Ústavní soud vychází z již v roce 1933 vypracované definice agrese Společnosti národů, která byla převzata do londýnské Úmluvy o agresi (CONVENITION DE DEFINITION DE L'AGRESSION), uzavřené dne 4. 7. 1933 Československem, dle které není třeba válku vyhlašovat (čl. II bod 2) a dle které je třeba za útočníka považovat ten stát, který první poskytne podporu ozbrojeným tlupám, jež se utvoří na jeho území a jež vpadnou na území druhého státu (čl. II bod 5). V souladu s nótou londýnské vlády ze dne 22. 2. 1944, navazující na prohlášení prezidenta republiky ze dne 16. 12. 1941 dle § 64 odst. 1 bod 3 tehdejší Ústavy, a v souladu s citovaným čl. II bod 5 má Ústavní soud za to, že dnem, kdy nastal stav války, a to s Německem, je den 17. 9. 1938, neboť tento den na pokyn Hitlera došlo k utvoření "Sudetoněmeckého svobodného sboru" (Freikorps) z uprchnuvších vůdců Henleinovy strany a několik málo hodin poté už tito vpadli na československé území ozbrojeni německými zbraněmi.''</ref> In the following days, Czechoslovak forces suffered over 100 personnel killed in action, hundreds wounded and over 2,000 abducted to Germany.

On 18 September, Italy's ''[[Duce]]'' [[Benito Mussolini]] made a speech in [[Trieste]], Italy, where he declared "If there are two camps, for and against Prague, let it be known that Italy has chosen its side", with the clear implication being that Mussolini supported Germany in the crisis.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 71" />

On 20 September, [[German resistance to Nazism|German opponents]] within the military met to discuss the final plans of a plot they had developed to overthrow the Nazi regime. The meeting was led by General [[Hans Oster]], the deputy head of the ''[[Abwehr]]'' (Germany's [[counter-espionage]] agency). Other members included Captain {{ill|Friedrich Wilhelm Heinz|de}}, and other military officers leading the planned [[coup d'etat]] met at the meeting.<ref name="Nigel Jones Pp. 73-74">Nigel Jones. ''Countdown to Valkyrie: The July Plot to Assassinate Hitler''. pp. 73–74.</ref> On 22 September, Chamberlain, about to board his plane to go to Germany for further talks at [[Bad Godesberg]], told the press who met him there that "My objective is peace in Europe, I trust this trip is the way to that peace."<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008, pp. 72" /> Chamberlain arrived in [[Cologne]], where he received a lavish grand welcome with a German band playing "[[God Save the King]]" and Germans giving Chamberlain flowers and gifts.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008, pp. 72" /> Chamberlain had calculated that fully accepting German annexation of all of the Sudetenland with no reductions would force Hitler to accept the agreement.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008, pp. 72" /> Upon being told of this, Hitler responded "Does this mean that the Allies have agreed with Prague's approval to the transfer of the Sudetenland to Germany?", Chamberlain responded "Precisely", to which Hitler responded by shaking his head, saying that the Allied offer was insufficient. He told Chamberlain that he wanted Czechoslovakia to be completely dissolved and its territories redistributed to Germany, Poland, and Hungary, and told Chamberlain to take it or leave it.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008, pp. 72" /> Chamberlain was shaken by this statement.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008, pp. 72" /> Hitler went on to tell Chamberlain that since their last meeting on the 15th, Czechoslovakia's actions, which Hitler claimed included killings of Germans, had made the situation unbearable for Germany.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008, pp. 72" />

Later in the meeting, a deception was undertaken to influence and put pressure on Chamberlain: one of Hitler's aides entered the room to inform Hitler of more Germans being killed in Czechoslovakia, to which Hitler screamed in response "I will avenge every one of them. The Czechs must be destroyed."<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008, pp. 72" /> The meeting ended with Hitler refusing to make any concessions to the Allies' demands.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008, pp. 72" /> Later that evening, Hitler grew worried that he had gone too far in pressuring Chamberlain, and telephoned Chamberlain's hotel suite, saying that he would accept annexing only the Sudetenland, with no designs on other territories, provided that Czechoslovakia begin the evacuation of ethnic Czechs from the German majority territories by 26 September at 8:00am. After being pressed by Chamberlain, Hitler agreed to have the ultimatum set for 1 October (the same date that Operation Green was set to begin).<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 73">Santi Corvaja, Robert L. Miller. ''Hitler & Mussolini: The Secret Meetings''. New York: Enigma Books, 2008. {{ISBN|9781929631421}}. p. 73.</ref> Hitler then said to Chamberlain that this was one concession that he was willing to make to the Prime Minister as a "gift" out of respect for the fact that Chamberlain had been willing to back down somewhat on his earlier position.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 73"/> Hitler went on to say that upon annexing the Sudetenland, Germany would hold no further territorial claims upon Czechoslovakia and would enter into a collective agreement to guarantee the borders of Germany and Czechoslovakia.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 73"/>

A new Czechoslovak cabinet, under General [[Jan Syrový]], was installed and on 23 September a decree of general mobilization was issued which was accepted by the public with a strong enthusiasm – within 24 hours, one million men joined the army to defend the country. The [[Czechoslovak Army]], modern, experienced and possessing an excellent [[Czechoslovak border fortifications|system of frontier fortifications]], was prepared to fight. The [[Soviet Union]] announced its willingness to come to Czechoslovakia's assistance, provided that the [[Red Army]] would be able to cross Polish and Romanian territory. Both countries refused to allow the Soviet army to use their territories.<ref>{{Cite book|title=Soviet Foreign Policy, 1930–33. The Impact of the Depression|last=Haslam|first=Jonathan|publisher=St. Martin's Press|year=1983|location=New York}}</ref>

In the early hours of 24 September, Hitler issued the [[Godesberg Memorandum]], which demanded that Czechoslovakia cede the Sudetenland to Germany no later than 28 September, with plebiscites to be held in unspecified areas under the supervision of German and Czechoslovak forces. The memorandum also stated that if Czechoslovakia did not agree to the German demands by 2&nbsp;pm on 28 September, Germany would take the Sudetenland by force. On the same day, Chamberlain returned to Britain and announced that Hitler demanded the annexation of the Sudetenland without delay.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 73"/> The announcement enraged those in Britain and France who wanted to confront Hitler once and for all, even if it meant war, and its supporters gained strength.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 73"/> The Czechoslovak Ambassador to the United Kingdom, [[Jan Masaryk]], was elated upon hearing of the support for Czechoslovakia from British and French opponents of Hitler's plans, saying "The nation of [[Saint Wenceslas]] will never be a nation of slaves."<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 73"/>

[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 183-R99301, Münchener Abkommen, Chamberlain, Mussolini, Ciano.jpg|left|thumb|Chamberlain with Benito Mussolini, September 1938]]
On 25 September, Czechoslovakia agreed to the conditions previously agreed upon by Britain, France, and Germany. The next day, however, Hitler added new demands, insisting that the claims of ethnic [[Germans in Poland]] and [[Germans in Hungary|Hungary]] also be satisfied.

On 26 September, Chamberlain sent [[Sir Horace Wilson]] to carry a personal letter to Hitler declaring that the Allies wanted a peaceful resolution to the Sudeten crisis.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 73"/> Later that evening, Hitler made his response in a speech at the [[Berlin Sportpalast]]; he claimed that the Sudetenland was "the last territorial demand I have to make in Europe"<ref name=sudetenland1>{{cite book|last1=Domarus|first1=Max|last2=Hitler|first2=Adolf|title=Hitler: speeches and proclamations, 1932–1945 : the chronicle of a dictatorship|year=1990|page=1393}}</ref> and gave Czechoslovakia a deadline of 28 September at 2:00&nbsp;pm to cede the Sudetenland to Germany or face war.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 73"/> At this point the British government began to make war preparations, and the [[House of Commons of the United Kingdom|House of Commons]] was reconvened from a parliamentary recess.<ref name=Reynolds />

On 27 September 1938, when negotiations between Hitler and Chamberlain were strained, Chamberlain addressed the British people, saying, in particular: "How horrible, fantastic, incredible it is that we should be digging trenches and trying on gas masks here because of a quarrel in a far-away country between people of whom we know nothing."<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.historyguide.org/europe/munich.html|title=Neville Chamberlin on 'Appeasement' (1939)|website=www.historyguide.org}}</ref>

On 28 September at 10:00&nbsp;am, four hours before the deadline and with no agreement to Hitler's demand by Czechoslovakia, the British ambassador to Italy, [[Eric Drummond, 7th Earl of Perth|Lord Perth]], called Italy's Foreign Minister [[Galeazzo Ciano]] to request an urgent meeting.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 73"/> Perth informed Ciano that Chamberlain had instructed him to request that Mussolini enter the negotiations and urge Hitler to delay the ultimatum.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 73"/> At 11:00&nbsp;am, Ciano met Mussolini and informed him of Chamberlain's proposition; Mussolini agreed with it and responded by telephoning Italy's ambassador to Germany and told him "Go to the Fuhrer at once, and tell him that whatever happens, I will be at his side, but that I request a twenty-four-hour delay before hostilities begin. In the meantime, I will study what can be done to solve the problem."<ref>Santi Corvaja, Robert L. Miller. ''Hitler & Mussolini: The Secret Meetings''. New York: Enigma Books, 2008. {{ISBN|9781929631421}}. pp. 73–74.</ref> Hitler received Mussolini's message while in discussions with the French ambassador. Hitler responded "My good friend, Benito Mussolini, has asked me to delay for twenty-four hours the marching orders of the German army, and I agreed." Of course, this was no concession, as the invasion date was set for 1 October 1938.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 74">Santi Corvaja, Robert L. Miller. ''Hitler & Mussolini: The Secret Meetings''. New York: Enigma Books, 2008. {{ISBN|9781929631421}}. p. 74.</ref> Upon speaking with Chamberlain, Lord Perth gave Chamberlain's thanks to Mussolini as well as Chamberlain's request that Mussolini attend a four-power conference of Britain, France, Germany, and Italy in Munich on 29 September to settle the Sudeten problem prior to the deadline of 2:00&nbsp;pm. Mussolini agreed.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 74"/> Hitler's only request was to make sure that Mussolini be involved in the negotiations at the conference.<ref name="Santi Corvaja 2008. Pp. 74"/> [[Nevile Henderson]], [[Alexander Cadogan]], and Chamberlain's personal secretary [[Alec Douglas-Home|Lord Dunglass]] passed the news of the conference to Chamberlain while he was addressing Parliament, and Chamberlain suddenly announced the conference and his acceptance to attend at the end of the speech to cheers.<ref name=Reynolds /> When United States President [[Franklin D. Roosevelt]] learned the conference had been scheduled, he telegraphed Chamberlain, "Good man."<ref name="dallek roosevelt">{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=xTKvo-cXv3EC&q=roosevelt+chamberlain+%22good+man%22&pg=PA166 |title=Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, 1932–1945: With a New Afterword |publisher=Oxford University Press |last=Dallek |first=Robert |author-link=Robert Dallek |year=1995 |pages=166 |isbn=9780199826667}}</ref>

===Resolution===

[[File:Münchner abkommen5 en.svg|thumb|upright=1.5|Sequence of events following the Munich Agreement:<br />
<!-- Numbers are wrong in the image –#5 should be#4, #6 should be #5 and #4 should be #6 -->
1. The Sudetenland became part of Germany in accordance with the Munich Agreement (October 1938).<br />
2. Poland annexes [[Trans-Olza]], an area with a Polish plurality, over which the two countries [[Polish–Czechoslovak War|had fought a war in 1919]] (October 1938).<br />
3. Border areas (southern third of Slovakia and southern [[Carpathian Ruthenia]]) with Hungarian minorities became part of Hungary in accordance with the [[First Vienna Award]] (November 1938).<br />
4. On 15 March 1939, during the German invasion of the remaining Czech territories, Hungary annexes the remainder of [[Carpathian Ruthenia]] (which had been [[Carpatho-Ukraine|autonomous]] since October 1938).<br />
5. Germany establishes the [[Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia]] with a [[puppet government]], on 16 March 1939.<br /> 6. On 14 March 1939, a pro-Hitler [[Catholic]]-[[fascist]] government declares the [[Slovak Republic (1939–1945)|Slovak Republic]], as an [[Axis states of World War II|Axis]] [[client state]].]]
[[File:MunichAgreement.jpg|left|thumb|British Prime Minister [[Neville Chamberlain]] after landing at [[Heston Aerodrome]] following his meeting with [[Adolf Hitler]]]]

Discussions began at the [[Führerbau]] immediately after Chamberlain and Daladier arrived, giving them little time to consult. The meeting was held in [[English language|English]], [[French language|French]], and [[German language|German]].<ref name=Reynolds /> A deal was reached on 29 September, and at about 1:30&nbsp;a.m. on 30 September 1938,{{sfn|Gilbert|Gott|1999|p=178}} [[Adolf Hitler]], Neville Chamberlain, Benito Mussolini and Édouard Daladier signed the Munich Agreement. The agreement was officially introduced by Mussolini although in fact the Italian plan was nearly identical to the Godesberg proposal: the German army was to complete the [[occupation of the Sudetenland]] by 10 October, and an international commission would decide the future of other disputed areas.<ref name="auto1">Susan Bindoff Butterworth, "Daladier and the Munich crisis: A reappraisal." ''Journal of Contemporary History'' 9.3 (1974): 191–216.</ref>

Czechoslovakia was informed by Britain and France that it could either resist Nazi Germany alone or submit to the prescribed annexations. The Czechoslovak government, realizing the hopelessness of fighting the Nazis alone, reluctantly capitulated (30 September) and agreed to abide by the agreement. The settlement gave Germany the Sudetenland starting 10 October, and ''de facto'' control over the rest of Czechoslovakia as long as Hitler promised to go no further. On 30 September after some rest, Chamberlain went to Hitler's apartment in the [[Prinzregentenstraße (Munich)|Prinzregentenstraße]] and asked him to sign a statement calling the [[Anglo-German Naval Agreement]] "symbolic of the desire of our two countries never to go to war with one another again." After Hitler's interpreter translated it for him, he happily agreed.<ref name=Reynolds />

On 30 September, upon his return to Britain, Chamberlain delivered his controversial "[[peace for our time]]" speech to crowds in London.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.britannia.com/history/docs/peacetime.html|title=Peacetime|publisher=Encyclopedia Britannica}}</ref>
[[File:The Führerbau.jpg|thumb|The [[Führerbau]] in Munich, site of the Munich Agreement]]
[[File:Hitler's office in the Führerbau.JPG|thumb|Present-day view of Hitler's office in the Führerbau where the Munich Agreement was signed, with the original fireplace and ceiling lamp]]

===Reactions===

==== Immediate response ====

===== Czechoslovakia =====
The Czechoslovaks were dismayed with the Munich settlement. They were not invited to the conference and felt they had been betrayed by the British and French governments. Many [[Czechs]] and Slovaks refer to the Munich Agreement as the '''Munich [[Diktat]]''' ({{langx|cs|Mnichovský diktát}}; {{langx|sk|Mníchovský diktát}}). The phrase "[[Western betrayal|Munich Betrayal]]" ({{lang|cs|Mnichovská zrada}}; {{lang|sk|Mníchovská zrada}}) is also used because the military alliance Czechoslovakia had with France proved useless. This was also reflected by the fact that especially the French government had expressed the view that Czechoslovakia would be considered as being responsible for any resulting European war should the Czechoslovak Republic defend itself with force against German incursions.<ref>{{cite book|last=Kuklik|first=Jan|title=The validity of the Munich agreement and the process of the repudiation during the second world war as seen from a Czechoslovak perspective|page=346}}</ref>

The slogan "[[Nothing About Us Without Us|About us, without us!]]" ({{lang|cs|O nás bez nás!}}; {{lang|sk|O nás bez nás!}}) summarizes the feelings of the people of Czechoslovakia (now [[Slovakia]] and the [[Czech Republic]]) towards the agreement.<ref>{{cite news|date=19 July 2002|title=Czech Republic: Past Imperfect – 64 Years Later, Munich 'Betrayal' Still Defines Thought (Part 5)|publisher=Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty|url=https://www.rferl.org/a/1100326.html}}</ref> With Sudetenland gone to Germany, [[Second Czechoslovak Republic|Czecho-Slovakia]] (as the state was now renamed) lost its defensible border with Germany and the Czechoslovak border fortifications. Without them its independence became more nominal than real. Czechoslovakia also lost 70 per cent of its iron/steel industry, 70 per cent of its electrical power and 3.5&nbsp;million citizens to Germany as a result of the settlement. The Sudeten Germans celebrated what they saw as their liberation. The imminent war, it seemed, had been avoided.{{sfn|Shirer|1960}}

The [[Nobel Prize in Literature|Nobel laureate]], [[Thomas Mann]], took to pen and pulpit in defense of his surrogate homeland proclaiming his pride at being a Czechoslovak citizen and praising the republic's achievements. He attacked a "Europe ready for slavery" writing that "The Czechoslovak people is ready to take up a fight for liberty and transcends its own fate" and "It is too late for the British government to save the peace. They have lost too many opportunities." President Beneš of Czechoslovakia was nominated for a [[Nobel Peace Prize]] in 1939.<ref name=":0" />

===== Germany =====
Though the British and French were pleased, a British diplomat in Berlin claimed he had been informed by a member of Hitler's entourage that soon after the meeting with Chamberlain, Hitler had furiously said: "Gentlemen, this has been my first international conference and I can assure you that it will be my last."{{sfn|Kirkpatrick|1959|p=135}} On another occasion, he had been heard saying of Chamberlain: "If ever that silly old man comes interfering here again with his umbrella, I'll kick him downstairs and jump on his stomach in front of the photographers."{{sfn|Kirkpatrick|1959|p=135}}<ref name="Overy">[[Richard Overy]], 'Germany, "Domestic Crisis" and War in 1939', ''Past & Present'' No. 116 (Aug., 1987), p. 163, n. 74.</ref><ref>Robert Rothschild, ''Peace For Our Time'' (Brassey's Defence Publishers, 1988), p. 279.</ref> In one of his public speeches after Munich, Hitler declared: "Thank God we have no umbrella politicians in this country."{{sfn|Kirkpatrick|1959|p=135}}<ref name="Overy" /><ref>Roger Parkinson, ''Peace For Our Time: Munich to Dunkirk{{snd}}The Inside Story'' (London: Hart-Davis, 1971), p. 78.</ref>
[[File:Adolf Hitler in Neustadt.jpg|thumb|Hitler welcomed in Neustadt (now [[Prudnik]]) while visiting the Sudeten territories]]
Hitler felt cheated of the limited war against the Czechs which he had been aiming for all summer.<ref>Ian Kershaw, ''Hitler, 1936–1945: Nemesis'' (London: Penguin, 2001), pp. 122–123.</ref> In early October, Chamberlain's press secretary asked for a public declaration of German friendship with Britain to strengthen Chamberlain's domestic position; Hitler instead delivered speeches denouncing Chamberlain's "governessy interference."<ref>Robert Self, ''Neville Chamberlain'' (London: Routledge, 2006), p. 344.</ref> In August 1939, shortly before the invasion of Poland, Hitler told his generals: "Our enemies are men below average, not men of action, not masters. They are little worms. I saw them at Munich."<ref>John W. Wheeler-Bennett, ''The Nemesis of Power: The German Army in Politics 1918–1945'' (London: Macmillan, 1964), p. 447.</ref>

Before the Munich Agreement, Hitler's determination to invade Czechoslovakia on 1 October 1938 had provoked a major crisis in the German command structure. The Chief of the General Staff, General Ludwig Beck, protested in a lengthy series of memos that it would start a [[world war]] that Germany would lose, and urged Hitler to put off the projected conflict. Hitler called Beck's arguments against war "''kindische Kräfteberechnungen''" ("childish force calculations"). On 4 August 1938, a secret Army meeting was held. Beck read his lengthy report to the assembled officers. They all agreed something had to be done to prevent certain disaster. Beck hoped they would all resign together but no one resigned except Beck. His replacement, General [[Franz Halder]], sympathized with Beck and they were both recruited into [[Hans Oster]]'s [[Oster conspiracy|September Conspiracy]] which planned to arrest Hitler the moment he gave the invasion order. 

This plan would only work if Britain issued a strong warning and a letter to the effect that they would fight to preserve Czechoslovakia. This would help to convince the German people that certain defeat awaited Germany. Agents were therefore sent to England to tell Chamberlain that an attack on Czechoslovakia was planned, and of their intention to overthrow Hitler if this occurred. The proposal was rejected by the British Cabinet and no such letter was issued. Accordingly, the proposed removal of Hitler did not go ahead.{{sfn|Parssinen|2004}}

On 7 October 1938, Hitler visited the Sudeten territories. He arrived by train in Neustadt (now [[Prudnik]], Poland), a town right next to the former Czechoslovak border, and then travelled to [[Město Albrechtice]], [[Krnov]], [[Bruntál]], and [[Zlaté Hory]].<ref>{{Cite news |last=Dereń |first=Andrzej |date=November 2000 |title=Swastyka nad miastem |url=https://sbc.org.pl/dlibra/publication/282694/edition/267492 |work=Tygodnik Prudnicki |publisher=Spółka Wydawnicza "Aneks" |location=Prudnik |pages=1, 5 |language=pl |issn=1231-904X}}</ref>

===== Britain and France =====
[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 146-1976-033-20, Anschluss sudetendeutscher Gebiete.jpg|left|thumb|Sudeten Germans cheering the arrival of the German Army into the Sudetenland in October 1938]]The agreement was generally applauded. Prime Minister Daladier of France did not believe, as one scholar put it, that a European War was justified "to maintain three million Germans under Czech sovereignty." [[Gallup Poll]]s in Britain, France, and the United States indicated that the majority of people supported the agreement. President Beneš of Czechoslovakia was nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize in 1939.<ref name=":0">Douglas, pp. 14–15</ref>

''[[The New York Times]]'' headline on the Munich agreement read "Hitler gets less than his Sudeten demands" and reported that a "joyful crowd" hailed Daladier on his return to France and that Chamberlain was "wildly cheered" on his return to Britain.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Britain and Germany Make Anti-War Pact; Hitler Gets Less Than His Sudeten Demands; Polish Ultimatum Threatens Action Today|url=https://archive.nytimes.com/www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/big/0930.html|access-date=20 July 2019|website=The New York Times}}</ref>

In France, the only political party to oppose the Munich Agreement was the [[French Communist Party|Communist Party]].<ref>{{cite news | url=https://www.lemonde.fr/archives/article/1968/09/30/en-france-seuls-les-communistes-deux-deputes-et-quelques-journalistes-ont-combattu-l-accord_2481194_1819218.html | title=En France, seuls les communistes, deux députés et quelques journalistes ont combattu l'accord | newspaper=Le Monde.fr | date=30 September 1968 }}</ref>

The British population had expected an imminent war, and the "statesman-like gesture" of Chamberlain was at first greeted with acclaim. He was greeted as a hero by the royal family and invited on the balcony at [[Buckingham Palace]] before he had presented the agreement to the [[British Parliament]]. The generally positive reaction quickly soured, despite royal patronage. However, there was opposition from the start. [[Clement Attlee]] and the [[Labour Party (UK)|Labour Party]] opposed the agreement, in alliance with two Conservative MPs, [[Duff Cooper]] and [[Vyvyan Adams]], who had been seen up to then as a reactionary element in the [[Conservative Party (UK)|Conservative Party]].<ref>Adolf Sturmthal, " Labor's Road to Munich". in ''The Tragedy of European Labor 1918–1939'' (1943) pp. 297–324.</ref>

Daladier believed that Hitler's ultimate goals were a threat. He told the British in a late April 1938 meeting that Hitler's real long-term aim was to secure "a domination of the Continent in comparison with which the ambitions of [[Napoleon]] were feeble." He went on to say: "Today it is the turn of Czechoslovakia. Tomorrow it will be the turn of [[Second Polish Republic|Poland]] and [[Kingdom of Romania|Romania]]. When Germany has obtained the oil and wheat it needs, she will turn on the West. Certainly we must multiply our efforts to avoid war. But that will not be obtained unless Great Britain and France stick together, intervening in Prague for new concessions but declaring at the same time that they will safeguard the independence of Czechoslovakia. If, on the contrary, the Western Powers capitulate again they will only precipitate the war they wish to avoid."{{sfn|Shirer|1969|pp=339–340}} Perhaps discouraged by the arguments of French military leaders and civilian officials regarding their unprepared military and weak financial situation, and still traumatized by France's bloodbath in World War I, which he had personally witnessed, Daladier ultimately let Chamberlain have his way. On his return to Paris, Daladier, who had expected a hostile crowd, was acclaimed.<ref name="auto1"/>

In the days following Munich, Chamberlain received more than 20,000 letters and telegrams of thanks, and gifts including 6000 assorted bulbs from grateful Dutch admirers and a cross from [[Pope Pius XI]].<ref>David Faber, ''Munich. The 1938 Appeasement Crisis'' (2008), p. 421</ref>

=====Poland=====
[[File:Polish Army capturing Zaolzie in 1938.PNG|left|thumb|The Polish Army entering Trans-Olza in 1938]]
Poland was building up a secret Polish organization in the area of [[Trans-Olza]] from 1935.{{sfn|Goldstein|Lukes|1999|p=122}} In summer 1938, Poland tried to organize guerrilla groups in the area.{{sfn|Goldstein|Lukes|1999|p=122}} On 21 September, Poland officially requested a direct transfer of the area to its own control. Polish envoy to Prague [[Kazimierz Papée]] marked that the return of [[Cieszyn Silesia]] will be a sign of a goodwill and the "redress of injustice" of 1920.{{sfn|Jesenský|2014|p=82}} Similar notes were sent to Paris and London with a request that Polish minority in Czechoslovakia should gain the same rights as Sudeten Germans.{{sfn|Rak|2019|p=405}} On the next day Beneš sent a letter to Polish president [[Ignacy Mościcki]] with a promise of "border's rectification", but the letter was delivered only on 26 September.{{sfn|Kornat|2012|p=157}} The answer of Mościcki delivered on 27 September was evasive, but it was accompanied with the demand of Polish government to hand over two Trans-Olza counties immediately, as a prelude to ultimate settlement of the border dispute.{{sfn|Majewski|2019|pp=459–460}} Beneš's answer wasn't conclusive: he agreed to hand over the disputed territory to Poland but argued that it could not be done on the eve of the German invasion, because it would disrupt Czechoslovak preparations for war. Poles recognised the answer as playing for time.{{sfn|Kornat|2012|p=157}}

Polish diplomatic actions were accompanied by placing army along the Czechoslovak border on 23–24 September and by giving an order to the so-called "battle units" of Trans-Olza Poles and the "Trans-Olza Legion", a paramilitary organisation that was made up of volunteers from all over Poland, to cross the border to Czechoslovakia and attack Czechoslovak units.{{sfn|Goldstein|Lukes|1999|p=122}} The few who crossed, however, were repulsed by Czechoslovak forces and retreated to Poland.{{sfn|Goldstein|Lukes|1999|p=122}}

The Polish ambassador in Germany learned about the results of Munich Conference on 30 September from [[Ribbentrop]], who assured him that Berlin conditioned the guarantees for the remainder of Czechoslovakia on the fulfilment of Polish and Hungarian territorial demands.{{sfn|Rak|2019|p=409}} Polish foreign minister [[Józef Beck]] was disappointed with such a turn of events. In his own words the conference was "an attempt by the directorate of great powers to impose binding decisions on other states (and Poland cannot agree on that, as it would then be reduced to a political object that others conduct at their will)."{{sfn|Rak|2019|p=410}} As a result, at 11:45&nbsp;p.m. on 30 September, 11 hours after the Czechoslovak government accepted the Munich terms, Poland gave an ultimatum to the Czechoslovak government.{{sfn|Goldstein|Lukes|1999|p=66}} It demanded the immediate evacuation of Czechoslovak troops and police and gave Prague time until noon the following day. At 11:45&nbsp;a.m. on 1 October the Czechoslovak Foreign Ministry called the Polish ambassador in Prague and told him that Poland could have what it wanted but then requested a 24-hour delay. On 2 October, the [[Polish Army]], commanded by General [[Władysław Bortnowski]], annexed an area of 801.5&nbsp;km<sup>2</sup> with a population of 227,399 people. Administratively the annexed area was divided between [[Frysztat County]] and [[Cieszyn County]].<ref>{{Cite journal|title=Dziennik Ustaw Śląskich, 31.10.1938, [R. 17], nr 18 – Silesian Digital Library|url=https://www.sbc.org.pl/dlibra/show-content/publication/edition/6949?id=6949|access-date=2019-08-29|journal=4258 III| date=14 February 2008 }}</ref>
The historian [[Dariusz Baliszewski]] wrote that during the annexation there was no co-operation between Polish and German troops, but there were cases of co-operation between Polish and Czech troops defending territory against Germans, for example in [[Bohumín]].<ref name="Baliszewski">{{Cite web|last=Baliszewski|first=Mariusz|title=Prawda o Zaolziu – Uważam Rze Historia|url=https://historia.uwazamrze.pl/artykul/1149147/prawda-o-zaolziu|access-date=2019-10-12|website=historia.uwazamrze.pl|language=pl}}</ref>

The Polish ultimatum finally led Beneš to decide, by his own account, to abandon any idea of resisting the settlement (Czechoslovakia would have been attacked on all sides).<ref name="Taylor 1967 241">{{Cite book|last=Taylor|first=A.J.P.|title=Origin of the Second World War|publisher=Penguins Books|year=1967|pages=241}}</ref>

The Germans were delighted with that outcome and were happy to give up the sacrifice of a small provincial rail centre to Poland in exchange for the ensuing propaganda benefits. It spread the blame of the partition of Czechoslovakia, made Poland a participant in the process and confused political expectations. Poland was accused of being an accomplice of Germany.<ref>
{{Cite book|last=Watt|first=Richard|title=Bitter Glory. Poland and its fate 1918–1939. New York|year=1998|isbn=9780781806732|pages=511|publisher=Hippocrene Books }}</ref> However, there was no formal agreement between Poland and Germany about Czechoslovakia at any time.<ref name="Weinberg1">{{cite journal|last1=Weinberg|first1=Gerhard L.|year=1975|title=German Foreign Policy and Poland, 1937–38|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/27920627|journal=The Polish Review|volume=20|issue=1|page=16|jstor=27920627|access-date=13 February 2021}}</ref>

The Chief of the General Staff of the Czechoslovak Army, General [[Ludvík Krejčí]], reported on 29 September that "Our army will in about two days' time be in full condition to withstand an attack even by all Germany's forces together, provided Poland does not move against us."<ref>{{Cite book|last=Stone|first=Norman|title=Czechoslovakia Crossroads and Crises|date= 1989|isbn=9781349106462|pages=119|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan UK }}</ref>

Historians such as H.L. Roberts<ref name="Roberts">{{cite book|last1=Roberts|first1=H.L.|title=The Diplomats 1919–1939|date=1960|publisher=Princeton|editor1-last=Craig|editor1-first=Gordon A.|pages=603, 611|chapter=The Diplomacy of Colonel Beck|quote="Even Beck's unpleasant performance at the time of Munich was not planned in concert with the Germans... He did not like Czechoslovakia, but he did not plot its destruction"|editor2-last=Gilbert|editor2-first=Felix}}</ref> and [[Anna Cienciala]]<ref>{{cite book|last1=Cienciala|first1=A.M.|url=https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203045077|title=The Munich Crisis, 1938 Prelude to World War II|date=30 November 1999|publisher=Routledge|isbn=9780203045077|editor1-last=Goldstein|editor1-first=Erik|pages=57–58|chapter=The Munich crisis of 1938: Plans and strategy in Warsaw in the context of the western appeasement of Germany|doi=10.4324/9780203045077|access-date=13 February 2021|editor2-last=Lukes|editor2-first=Igor}}</ref> have characterised [[Jozef Beck|Beck]]'s actions during the crisis as unfriendly to Czechoslovakia, but not actively seeking its destruction. Whilst [[Stalin]]-era Polish historiography typically followed the line that Beck had been a "German Agent" and had collaborated with Germany, post-1956 historiography has generally rejected this characterisation.<ref name="Gromada1">{{cite journal|last1=Gromada |first1=Thadeus V.|year=1981|title=Joseph Beck in the Light of Recent Polish Historiography|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/25777835|journal=The Polish Review|volume=26|issue=3|pages=68–71|jstor=25777835|access-date=13 February 2021}}</ref>

=====Hungary=====
Hungary followed Polish request for transfer of territory with its own request on 22 September.{{sfn|Jesenský|2014|p=82}} Hungarian demands were ultimately fulfilled during the [[First Vienna Award|Vienna Arbitration]] on 2 November 1938.

===== Soviet Union=====
[[File:Польша показала Ивану его место.jpg|thumb|A political cartoon from Poland depicting the Soviet Union in the form of "Ivan" being kicked out of Europe: "I have a feeling Europe has stopped respecting me"]]
[[Joseph Stalin]] was upset by the results of the Munich conference. On 2 May 1935, France and the Soviet Union signed the [[Franco-Soviet Treaty of Mutual Assistance]] with the aim of containing Nazi Germany's aggression.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Jabara Carley |first1=Michael |title=Who Betrayed Whom? Franco-Anglo-Soviet Relations, 1932–1939 |url=https://www.webdepot.umontreal.ca/Usagers/carleym/MonDepotPublic/Carley%27s%20Web%20site/Carley_Berlin_2014.pdf |publisher=Université de Montréal}}</ref> The Soviets, who had a mutual military assistance treaty with Czechoslovakia, felt betrayed by France, which also had a [[Little Entente|mutual military assistance treaty with Czechoslovakia]].<ref>{{cite news |title=Franco-Czech Treaty |url=http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,717350,00.html |magazine=Time |date=7 January 1924}}</ref> The British and French mostly used the Soviets as a threat to dangle over the Germans. Stalin concluded that the West had colluded with Hitler to hand over a country in [[Central Europe]] to the Germans, causing concern that they might do the same to the Soviet Union in the future to allow its partition between the western nations. This belief led the Soviet Union to reorient its foreign policy towards a [[rapprochement]] with Germany, which eventually led to the signing of the [[Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact]] in 1939.{{sfn|Hildebrand|1991}}

In 1938, the Soviet Union was allied with France and Czechoslovakia. By September 1939, the Soviets were to all intents and purposes a [[co-belligerent]] with Nazi Germany, due to Stalin's fears of a second Munich Agreement with the Soviet Union replacing Czechoslovakia. Thus, the agreement indirectly contributed to the outbreak of war in 1939.<ref>{{cite book |last=Sakwa |first=Richard |title=The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Union 1917–1991 |publisher=Routledge |date=1999 |isbn=0415122899 |page=225}}</ref>

===== Elsewhere =====
The [[Australia]]n [[Prime Minister of Australia|Prime Minister]] [[Joseph Lyons]] said, "We owe heartfelt thanks to all responsible for the outcome, and appreciate very much the efforts of President Roosevelt and Signor Mussolini to bring about the Munich conference of the Powers at which a united desire for peace has been shown."<ref>{{cite news|title=Empire Comment on the Agreement|newspaper=The Manchester Guardian|date=1 October 1938|page=7|quote=We owe heartfelt thanks to all responsible for the outcome, and appreciate very much the efforts of President [[Franklin D. Roosevelt|Roosevelt]] and Signor Mussolini to bring about the Munich conference of the Powers at which a united desire for peace has been shown.}}</ref>[[File:Sudetenland Reichsgau 1944.png|thumb|Map of the Sudetenland [[Reichsgau]]]]

====Later opinions====
As the threats of Germany and of a European war became more evident, opinions on the agreement became more hostile. Chamberlain was excoriated for his role as one of the "Men of Munich", in books such as the 1940 ''[[Guilty Men]]''. A rare wartime defence of the agreement came in 1944 from [[Frederic Maugham, 1st Viscount Maugham|Viscount Maugham]], who had been Lord Chancellor. Maugham viewed the decision to establish a Czechoslovak state including substantial German and Hungarian minorities as a "dangerous experiment" in the light of previous disputes and ascribed the agreement as caused largely by France's need to extricate itself from its treaty obligations in the light of its unpreparedness for war.{{sfn|Maugham|1944}} After the war, Churchill's history of the period, ''The Gathering Storm'' (1948), asserted that Chamberlain's appeasement of Hitler at Munich had been wrong and recorded Churchill's prewar warnings of Hitler's plan of aggression and the folly of Britain's persisting with disarmament after Germany had achieved air parity with Britain. Although Churchill recognized that Chamberlain acted from noble motives, he argued that Hitler should have been resisted over Czechoslovakia and that efforts should have been made to involve the Soviet Union.<ref>Winston Churchill, ''The Gathering Storm'' (1948) p 318.</ref>

In his [[The Second World War (book series)|postwar memoirs]], Churchill, an opponent of appeasement, lumped Poland and Hungary, both of which subsequently annexed parts of Czechoslovakia containing Poles and Hungarians, with Germany as "vultures upon the carcass of Czechoslovakia."<ref name="Winston S. Churchill 2002 290">{{cite book |first=Winston S |last=Churchill |title=The Second World War |volume=1: The Gathering Storm |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Daxn4IOTqC4C&pg=PA290 |year=2002|publisher=RosettaBooks LLC |pages=289–290 |isbn=9780795308321}}</ref>

The American historian [[William L. Shirer]], in his ''[[The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich]]'' (1960), took the view that although Hitler was not bluffing about his intention to invade, Czechoslovakia could have offered significant resistance. Shirer believed that Britain and France had enough [[air defences]] to avoid serious bombing of London and Paris and could have pursued a rapid and successful war against Germany.{{sfn|Shirer|1960|p=520}} He quotes Churchill as saying the agreement meant that "Britain and France were in a much worse position compared to Hitler's Germany."{{sfn|Shirer|1960}} After Hitler personally inspected the Czech fortifications, he privately said to [[Joseph Goebbels]] that "we would have shed a lot of blood" and that it was fortunate that there had been no fighting.<ref>Joseph Goebbels diary, 2 October 1938, p. 2.</ref>

===Consequences===
[[File:Czech refugees from the Sudetenland 3.gif|thumb|Czechs refugees from the Sudetenland]]
On 5 October, Beneš resigned as [[President of Czechoslovakia]] since he realized that the fall of Czechoslovakia was inevitable. After the outbreak of [[World War II]], he formed a Czechoslovak government-in-exile in [[London]]. On 6 December 1938, the [[French-German Non-aggression Pact]] was signed in [[Paris]] by French Foreign Minister Bonnet and German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop.<ref>{{cite book|first=Douglas M |last=Gibler|title=International Military Alliances, 1648–2008|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=y3-iCQAAQBAJ&q=french-german+non-aggression+pact+8+decembre+1938&pg=RA1-PA203|year=2008|publisher=CQ Press|page=203|isbn=9781604266849}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |url=http://www.ibiblio.org/pha/fyb/part_2.html|title=The Franco-German Declaration of December 6th, 1938|access-date=11 June 2020}}</ref><ref name="http://archives.chicagotribune.com">[http://archives.chicagotribune.com/1938/12/07/page/1/article/france-signs-no-war-pact-with-germany France Signs "No-War" Pact with Germany], ''[[Chicago Tribune]]'', 7 December 1938</ref>

Nazi Germany occupied the Sudetenland from 1938 to 1945.<ref>{{Cite journal |last=Glassheim |first=Eagle |date=2006 |title=Ethnic Cleansing, Communism, and Environmental Devastation in Czechoslovakia's Borderlands, 1945–1989 |url=https://dx.doi.org/10.1086/499795 |journal=The Journal of Modern History |volume=78 |issue=1|pages=65–92 |doi=10.1086/499795 |s2cid=142647561 }}</ref>

==== First Vienna Award to Hungary ====
{{Main|First Vienna Award}}
[[File:Košice 11. november 1938.jpg|left|thumb|[[Admiral Horthy]] during the Hungarians' triumphant entry into [[Košice]], November 1938]]
[[File:Polská armáda vjíždí do Těšína - 1938.jpg|thumb|[[Second Polish Republic|Poland]] annexed the Trans-Olza area of Czechoslovakia inhabited by 36% of [[Polish minority in the Czech Republic|ethnic Poles]] in 1938.]]
[[File:Zaolzie karwina 1938.jpg|thumb|"For 600 years we have been waiting for you (1335–1938)." An ethnic Polish band welcoming the annexation of [[Trans-Olza]] by Poland in [[Karviná]], October 1938]]

In early November 1938, under the First Vienna Award, after the failed negotiations between Czechoslovakia and [[Kingdom of Hungary (1920–1946)|Hungary]], as a recommendation to settle the territorial disputes by the appendix of the Munich Agreement, the German-Italian arbitration required Czechoslovakia to cede southern Slovakia to Hungary, and Poland independently gained small territorial cessions shortly afterward (Trans-Olza).<ref>Anthony Komjathy, "The First Vienna Award (November 2, 1938)." ''Austrian History Yearbook'' 15 (1979): 130–156.</ref>

Bohemia, Moravia and [[Czech Silesia|Silesia]] lost about 38% of their combined area to Germany, with some 2.8&nbsp;million German and 513,000 to 750,000<ref>{{cite web |url=http://www.bruntal.net/2007072602-k-otazce-vysidleni-obcanu-csr-ze-sudet-tesinska-podkarpatske-rusi-a-slovenske-republiky-v-letech-1938-1939 |title=K otázce vysídlení občanů ČSR ze Sudet, Těšínska, Podkarpatské Rusi a Slovenské republiky v letech 1938/1939 |access-date=2 December 2014 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://archive.today/20141202131759/http://www.bruntal.net/2007072602-k-otazce-vysidleni-obcanu-csr-ze-sudet-tesinska-podkarpatske-rusi-a-slovenske-republiky-v-letech-1938-1939 |archive-date=2 December 2014}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.bohumildolezal.cz/texty/u074-08.htm|title=Fakta o vyhnání Čechů ze Sudet|website=bohumildolezal.cz|access-date=20 July 2019}}</ref> [[Czechs|Czech]] inhabitants. Hungary, in turn, received {{convert|11882|km2|sqmi|abbr=on}} in southern Slovakia and southern [[Carpathian Ruthenia]]. According to a 1941 census, about 86.5% of the population in the territory was [[Hungarian people|Hungarian]]. Slovakia lost {{convert|10390|km2|sqmi|abbr=on}} and 854,218 inhabitants for Hungary (according to a Czechoslovak 1930 census about 59% were Hungarians and 32% were [[Slovaks]] and Czechs<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.forumhistoriae.sk/documents/10180/70153/hetenyi.pdf|title=Slovak-Hungarian border in the years 1938–1945|first1=Martin|last1=Hetényi|date=2008|access-date=17 July 2021}}</ref>). Poland annexed the town of [[Český Těšín]] with the surrounding area (some {{convert|906|km2|sqmi|abbr=on}}, with 250,000 inhabitants. Poles made up about 36% of the population, down from 69% in 1910<ref>Irena Bogoczová, Jana Raclavska. "Report about the national and language situation in the area around Czeski Cieszyn/Český Těšín in the Czech Republic." ''Czeski Cieszyn/Český Těšín Papers''. Nr 7, ''EUR.AC research''. November 2006. p. 2. (source: Zahradnik. "Struktura narodowościowa Zaolzia na podstawie spisów ludności 1880–1991." Třinec 1991).</ref>){{sfn|Siwek|n.d.}} and two minor border areas in northern Slovakia, more precisely in the regions [[Spiš]] and [[Orava (county)|Orava]]. ({{convert|226|km2|sqmi|abbr=on}}, 4,280 inhabitants, only 0.3% Poles).

Soon after Munich, 115,000 Czechs and 30,000 Germans fled to the [[Rump state|rump]] of Czechoslovakia. According to the Institute for Refugee Assistance, the actual count of refugees on 1 March 1939 stood at almost 150,000.<ref>[http://www.radio.cz/en/article/46238 Forced displacement of Czech population under Nazis in 1938 and 1943], [[Radio Prague]]</ref>

On 4 December 1938, elections in [[Reichsgau Sudetenland]] had 97.3% of the adult population vote for the [[Nazi Party]]. About half-a-million Sudeten Germans joined the Nazi Party, 17.3% of the German population in Sudetenland (the average NSDAP participation in Nazi Germany was 7.9%). Thus, the Sudetenland was the most "pro-Nazi" region in Nazi Germany.{{sfn|Zimmerman|1999}}

Because of their knowledge of Czech, many Sudeten Germans were employed in the administration of the [[Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia]] as well as in Nazi organisations, such as the [[Gestapo]]. The most notable of them was [[Karl Hermann Frank]], SS and Police General and Secretary of State in the Protectorate.<ref>Valdis O. Lumans, "The Ethnic German Minority of Slovakia and the Third Reich, 1938–45." ''Central European History'' 15.3 (1982): 266–296.</ref>

==== German invasion of rump Czechoslovakia ====
{{main|Occupation of Czechoslovakia (1938–1945)}}

In 1937, the ''[[Wehrmacht]]'' had formulated a plan, "Operation Green" (''Fall Grün'') for the invasion of Czechoslovakia. It was implemented shortly after the proclamation of the [[Slovak State]] on 15 March 1939.{{sfn|Herzstein|1980|p=184}} On 14 March, Slovakia seceded from Czechoslovakia and became a separate Nazi-subordinate state. The following day, [[Carpatho-Ukraine]] proclaimed independence as well, but after three days, it was completely occupied and annexed by Hungary. Czechoslovak President [[Emil Hácha]] traveled to Berlin and was left waiting, and orders to invade had already been given. During the meeting with Hitler, Hácha was threatened with the bombing of Prague if he refused to order the Czech troops to lay down their arms. That news induced a heart attack from which he was revived by an injection from Hitler's doctor. Hácha then agreed to sign the communiqué accepting the [[Occupation of Czechoslovakia (1938–1945)|German occupation of the remainder of Bohemia and Moravia]], "which in its unctuous mendacity was remarkable even for the Nazis."<ref>Noakes, J. and Pridham, G. (eds) (2010) [2001] "Nazism 1919–1945", Vol 3, ''Foreign Policy, War and Racial Extermination'', University of Exeter Press, Exeter, p. 119</ref> Churchill's prediction was fulfilled, as German armies entered Prague and proceeded to occupy the rest of the country, which was transformed into a protectorate of the Reich. In March 1939, [[Konstantin von Neurath]] was appointed as Reichsprotektor and served as Hitler's personal representative in the protectorate. Immediately after the occupation, a wave of arrests began, mostly of refugees from Germany, Jews and Czech public figures. By November, Jewish children had been expelled from their schools and their parents fired from their jobs. Universities and colleges were closed after demonstrations against the occupation of Czechoslovakia. Over 1200 students were sent to concentration camps, and nine student leaders were executed on 17 November ([[International Students' Day]]).<ref>N.J.W. Goda, ''Tales from Spandau. Nazi Criminals and the Cold War'' (2007). pp. 161–163.</ref>

By seizing Bohemia and Moravia, Nazi Germany gained all of the skilled labour force and heavy industry located there as well as all the weapons of the Czechoslovak Army. During the 1940 [[Battle of France]], roughly 25% of all German weapons came from the protectorate. Nazi Germany also gained all of the Czechoslovakia's gold treasure, including gold stored in the [[Bank of England]]. Of a total 227 tons of gold found after the war in salt mines, only 18.4 tons were returned to Czechoslovakia in 1982, but most of it came from Czechoslovakia. Czechoslovakia was also forced to "sell" war material to the ''Wehrmacht'' for 648&nbsp;million of prewar [[Czechoslovak koruna]], a debt that was never repaid.<ref>David Blaazer,  "Finance and the end of appeasement: the Bank of England, the National Government and the Czech gold." ''Journal of Contemporary History'' 40.1 (2005): 25–39.</ref>

[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 183-2004-1202-505, Prag, Burg, Besuch Adolf Hitler.jpg|left|thumb|Adolf Hitler on his visit to [[Prague Castle]] after the establishment of a German [[Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia|protectorate]], 15 March 1939]]
Chamberlain claimed the Prague annexation was a "completely different category" that moved [[Second Thirty Years War#The move beyond legitimate Versailles grievances, 1938-9|beyond the legitimate Versailles grievances]].<ref>McDonough, 2002, p. 73</ref> Meanwhile, concerns arose in Britain that Poland, which was now encircled by many German possessions, would become the next target of Nazi expansionism. That was made apparent by the dispute over the [[Polish Corridor]] and the [[Free City of Danzig]] and resulted in the signing of an [[Anglo-Polish military alliance]]. That made the Polish government refuse to accept German negotiation proposals over the Polish Corridor and the status of Danzig.<ref>Władysław W. Kulski, "The Anglo-Polish Agreement of August 25, 1939", ''The Polish Review,'' (1976) 21 (1/2): 23–40.</ref> Chamberlain felt betrayed by the Nazi seizure of Czechoslovakia, realized that his policy of appeasement towards Hitler had failed and so began to take a much harder line against Germany. He immediately began to mobilize the British armed forces to a war footing, and France did the same. Italy saw itself threatened by the British and French fleets and started its own [[invasion of Albania]] in April 1939.<ref>Winston Churchill, ''The Gathering Storm'' (1948) pp 381–401.</ref>

==== Strengthening of Wehrmacht armaments ====
Since most of the border defences had been in the territory ceded as a consequence of the Munich Agreement, the rest of Czechoslovakia was entirely open to further invasion despite its relatively-large stockpiles of modern armaments. In a speech delivered in the Reichstag, Hitler expressed the importance of the occupation for strengthening of German military and noted that by occupying Czechoslovakia, Germany gained 2,175 field guns and cannons, 469 tanks, 500 anti-aircraft artillery pieces, 43,000 machine guns, 1,090,000 military rifles, 114,000 pistols, about a billion rounds of small-arms ammunition, and 3&nbsp;million rounds of anti-aircraft ammunition. That could then arm about half of the Wehrmacht.<ref>{{cite book|last=Motl|first=Stanislav|title=Kam zmizel zlatý poklad republiky|publisher=Rybka publishers|place=Prague|edition=2nd|year=2007|language=cs}}</ref> Czechoslovak weapons later played a major role in the German conquest of Poland and France, the latter having urged Czechoslovakia into surrendering the Sudetenland in 1938.{{full citation needed|date=May 2022}}

====Birth of German resistance in military====
{{main|Oster conspiracy}}

In Germany, the Sudeten crisis led to the so-called [[Oster conspiracy]]. General Hans Oster, the deputy head of the ''Abwehr'', and prominent figures within the German military opposed the regime for its behaviour, which threatened to bring Germany into a war that they believed it was not ready to fight. They discussed overthrowing Hitler and the regime through a planned storming of the [[Reich Chancellery]] by forces loyal to the plot.<ref>Terry M. Parssinen, '' The Oster Conspiracy of 1938: The Unknown Story of the Military Plot to Kill Hitler and Avert World War II'' (2001). {{ISBN?}}</ref>

====Italian colonial demands from France====
{{Main|France–Italy relations}}
Italy strongly supported Germany at Munich, and a few weeks later, in October 1938, tried to use its advantage to make new demands on France. Mussolini demanded a [[list of free ports|free port]] at [[French Somaliland|Djibouti]], control of the [[Addis Ababa]]-[[Djibouti (city)|Djibouti]] railroad, Italian participation in the management of [[Suez Canal Company]], some form of French-Italian [[condominium (international law)|condominium]] over [[French protectorate of Tunisia|Tunisia]] and the preservation of [[Italian culture]] in French-held [[Corsica]] with no French assimilation of the people. France rejected those demands and began threatening naval maneuvers as a warning to Italy.<ref name="H. James Burgwyn 1940. p182-183">H. James Burgwyn, ''Italian Foreign Policy in the Interwar Period, 1918–1940'' (Praeger Publishers, 1997),  pp. 182–185. {{ISBN?}}</ref>

===Quotations from key participants===

{{Main|Peace for our time}}

[[File:Protectorate Of Bohemia and Moravia.png|thumb|Map of the [[Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia]]]]

Germany stated that the incorporation of Austria into the Reich resulted in borders with Czechoslovakia that were a great danger to German security, and that this allowed Germany to be encircled by the Western Powers.{{sfn|Müller|1943|pp=116–130}}

Neville Chamberlain announced the deal at [[Heston Aerodrome]] as follows:

{{blockquote|... the settlement of the Czechoslovak problem, which has now been achieved is, in my view, only the prelude to a larger settlement in which all Europe may find peace. This morning I had another talk with the German Chancellor, Herr Hitler, and here is the paper which bears his name upon it as well as mine. Some of you, perhaps, have already heard what it contains but I would just like to read it to you: '&nbsp;... We regard the agreement signed last night and the Anglo-German Naval Agreement as symbolic of the desire of our two peoples never to go to war with one another again.'<ref name="OxQuote">[[The Oxford Dictionary of Quotations]]</ref>}}

Later that day he stood outside 10 Downing Street and again read from the document and concluded:

{{blockquote|My good friends, for the second time in our history a British Prime Minister has returned from Germany bringing peace with honour. I believe it is peace for our time." (Chamberlain's reference to [[Disraeli]]'s return from the [[Congress of Berlin]] in 1878)<ref name="OxQuote" /><ref name="number10">{{cite web|title=Neville Chamberlain|publisher=UK government|url=http://www.number10.gov.uk/history-and-tour/prime-ministers-in-history/neville-chamberlain|access-date=2008-09-23|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120402040124/http://www.number10.gov.uk/history-and-tour/prime-ministers-in-history/neville-chamberlain|archive-date=2 April 2012|df=dmy-all}}</ref>}}

[[Winston Churchill]], denouncing the Agreement in the House of Commons on 5 October 1938,<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://www.nationalchurchillmuseum.org/disaster-of-the-first-magnitude.html|title=National Churchill Museum|access-date=1 October 2016}}</ref> declared:

{{blockquote|We have suffered a total and unmitigated defeat... you will find that in a period of time which may be measured by years, but may be measured by months, Czechoslovakia will be engulfed in the Nazi régime. We are in the presence of a disaster of the first magnitude... we have sustained a defeat without a war, the consequences of which will travel far with us along our road... we have passed an awful milestone in our history, when the whole equilibrium of Europe has been deranged, and that the terrible words have for the time being been pronounced against the Western democracies: "Thou art weighed in the balance and found wanting." And do not suppose that this is the end. This is only the beginning of the reckoning. This is only the first sip, the first foretaste of a bitter cup which will be proffered to us year by year unless by a supreme recovery of moral health and martial vigour, we arise again and take our stand for freedom as in the olden time.}}

On 13 August 1938, prior to the conference, Churchill had written in a letter to [[David Lloyd George]]:<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.winstonchurchill.org/resources/quotations/135-quotes-falsely-attributed|title=The Churchill Center|access-date=1 October 2016|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161005020411/https://winstonchurchill.org/resources/quotations/135-quotes-falsely-attributed|archive-date=5 October 2016}}</ref>
{{blockquote|England has been offered a choice between war and shame. She has chosen shame, and will get war.}}