Editing Glorious Revolution (section)

==Background==
Despite his [[Catholicism]], James became king in 1685 with widespread backing in all three of his kingdoms. In June 1685, he quickly crushed Protestant risings in [[Argyll's Rising|Scotland]] and [[Monmouth Rebellion|England]], but was forced into exile less than four years later.{{Sfn|Miller|1978|pp=124–125}} Modern historians argue James failed to appreciate how much Royal power relied on support from the [[landed gentry]], and the loss of that support fatally damaged his regime. The vast majority of the gentry in [[Kingdom of England|England]] and [[Kingdom of Scotland|Scotland]] were [[Protestant]], while even in largely Catholic [[Kingdom of Ireland|Ireland]] a disproportionate number were members of the Protestant [[Church of Ireland]]. Although willing to accept James's personal religious beliefs, his backers did so only so long as he maintained the primacy of the Protestant [[Church of England]] and [[Church of Scotland]]. When his policies appeared to undermine the existing political and religious order, the result was to alienate his English and Scottish supporters and destabilise Ireland.{{Sfn|Harris|1999|pp=28–30}}

[[File:King James II by Sir Godfrey Kneller, Bt.jpg|thumb|upright=0.8|James II and VII, King of England, Scotland and Ireland. ''[[Portrait of James II of England|Portrait of James II]]'' by [[Godfrey Kneller]], [[National Portrait Gallery, London|National Portrait Gallery]], 1684]]

[[Jacobitism#Ideology|Stuart political ideology]] derived from [[James VI and I]], who in 1603 had created a vision of a centralised state, run by a monarch whose authority [[Divine right of kings|came from God]], and where the function of [[Parliament of England|Parliament]] was simply to obey.{{Sfn|Stephen|2010|pp=55–58}} Disputes over the relationship between king and Parliament led to the [[War of the Three Kingdoms]] and continued after the 1660 [[Stuart Restoration]]. [[Charles II of England|Charles&nbsp;II]] came to rely on the [[Royal Prerogative]] since measures passed in this way could be withdrawn when he decided, rather than Parliament. However, it could not be used for major legislation or taxation.{{Sfn|Miller|1978|p=44}}

Concern that Charles&nbsp;II intended to create an [[absolute monarchy]] led to the 1679 to 1681 [[Exclusion Crisis]], dividing the English political class into those who wanted to 'exclude' James from the throne, mostly [[British Whig Party|Whigs]], and their opponents, mostly [[Tories (political faction)|Tories]]. However, in 1685 many Whigs feared the consequences of bypassing the 'natural heir', while Tories were often strongly anti-Catholic, and their support assumed the continued primacy of the Church of England. Most importantly, it was seen as a short-term issue; James was 52, his marriage to [[Mary of Modena]] remained childless after 11 years, and the heirs were his Protestant daughters, Mary and [[Anne, Queen of Great Britain|Anne]].{{Sfn|Wormsley|2015|p=189}}

There was much greater sympathy in Scotland for a 'Stuart heir', and the 1681 Succession Act confirmed the duty of all to support him, 'regardless of religion.'{{Sfn|Jackson|2003|pp=38–54}} Over 95 percent of Scots belonged to the national church or kirk; even other Protestant sects were banned, and by 1680, Catholics were a tiny minority confined to parts of the aristocracy and the remote Highlands.{{Sfn|Baker|2009|pp=290–291}} [[Episcopal polity|Episcopalians]] had regained control of the kirk in 1660, leading to a series of [[Presbyterian polity|Presbyterian]] uprisings, but memories of the bitter religious conflicts of the Civil War period meant the majority preferred stability.{{Sfn|Harris|2006|pp=153–155}}

In England and Scotland, most of those who backed James in 1685 wanted to retain existing political and religious arrangements, but this was not the case in Ireland. While he was guaranteed support from the Catholic majority, James was also popular among Irish Protestants, since the Church of Ireland depended on Royal support for its survival, while [[Ulster]] was dominated by Presbyterians who supported his tolerance policies. However, religion was only one factor; of equal concern for Catholics were laws barring them from serving in the military or holding public office, and land reform. In 1600, 90% of Irish land was owned by Catholics but following a series of confiscations during the 17th century, this had dropped to 22% in 1685.<ref>{{Cite web |title=Ireland's Protestant Ascendancy explained {{!}} Britannica |url=https://www.britannica.com/video/135906/map-shift-land-ownership-Ireland-Catholic-hands-1703 |access-date=2024-06-05 |website=www.britannica.com |language=en}}</ref> Catholic and Protestant merchants in [[Dublin]] and elsewhere objected to commercial restrictions placing them at a disadvantage to their English competitors.{{Sfn|Harris|2006|pp=106–108}}

===The political background in England===
[[File:Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.8|James's attempts to allow tolerance for English Catholics coincided with the October 1685 [[Edict of Fontainebleau]] revoking it for [[Huguenots]].]]

While James's supporters viewed hereditary succession as more important than his personal Catholicism, they opposed his policies of 'Tolerance' under which Catholics would be allowed to hold public office and engage in public life. Opposition was led by devout [[Anglicanism|Anglicans]]{{Sfn|Harris|1993|p=124}} who argued that the measures he proposed were incompatible with the oath he had sworn as king to uphold the supremacy of the Church of England. According to opponents, demanding that Parliament approve his measures James was not only to be breaking his own word but requiring others to do the same. Parliament refused to comply, despite being "the most [[Loyal Parliament]] a [[House of Stuart|Stuart]] ever had".{{Sfn|Wakeling|1896|p=91}}

Although historians generally accept James wished to promote Catholicism, not establish an [[absolute monarchy]], his stubborn and inflexible reaction to opposition had the same result. When the English and Scottish Parliaments refused to repeal the 1678 and 1681 [[Test Act]]s, he suspended them in November 1685 and ruled by decree. Attempts to form a 'King's party' of Catholics, [[English Dissenters]] and dissident Scottish Presbyterians was politically short-sighted, since it rewarded those who joined the 1685 rebellions and undermined his supporters.{{Sfn|Harris|2006|pp=179–181}}

Demanding tolerance for Catholics was also badly timed. In October 1685 [[Louis XIV of France]] issued the [[Edict of Fontainebleau]] revoking the 1598 [[Edict of Nantes]] which had given [[Huguenots|French Protestants]] the right to practise their religion; over the next four years, an estimated 200,000 to 400,000 went into exile, 40,000 of whom settled in London.{{Sfn|Spielvogel|1980|p=410}} Combined with Louis's expansionist policies and the killing of 2,000 [[Savoyard-Waldensian Wars|Vaudois Protestants]] in 1686, it led to fears Protestant Europe was threatened by a Catholic counter-reformation.{{Sfn|Bosher|1994|pp=6–8}} These concerns were reinforced by events in Ireland; the [[Lord Deputy of Ireland|Lord Deputy]], the [[Richard Talbot, 1st Earl of Tyrconnell|Earl of Tyrconnell]], wanted to create a Catholic establishment able to survive James's death, which meant replacing Protestant officials at a pace that was inherently destabilising.{{Sfn|Harris|2006|p=103}}

===Timeline of events: 1686 to 1688===
[[File:The Seven Bishops committed to the Tower in 1688 from NPG.jpg|thumb|upright=0.7|The [[Seven Bishops]] prosecuted for [[seditious libel]] in 1688]]

The majority of those who backed James in 1685 did so because they wanted stability and the rule of law, qualities frequently undermined by his actions. After suspending Parliament in November 1685, he sought to rule by decree; although the principle was not disputed, the widening of its scope caused considerable concern, particularly when judges who disagreed with its application were dismissed.{{Sfn|Miller|1978|pp=156–157}} He then alienated many by perceived attacks on the established church; [[Henry Compton (bishop)|Henry Compton, Bishop of London]], was suspended for refusing to ban [[John Sharp (Archbishop of York)|John Sharp]] from preaching after he gave an anti-Catholic sermon.{{Sfn|Carpenter|1956|pp=96–98}}

He often made things worse by political clumsiness; to general fury, the [[Ecclesiastical Commission of 1686]] established to discipline the Church of England included suspected Catholics like the [[Theophilus Hastings, 7th Earl of Huntingdon|Earl of Huntingdon]].{{Sfn|Walker|1956|p=81}} This was combined with an inability to accept opposition; in April 1687, he ordered [[Magdalen College, Oxford]], to elect a Catholic sympathiser named [[Anthony Farmer]] as president, but as he was ineligible under the college statutes, the [[fellow]]s elected [[John Hough (bishop)|John Hough]] instead. Both Farmer and Hough withdrew in favour of another candidate selected by James, who then demanded the fellows personally apologise on their knees for 'defying' him; when they refused, they were replaced by Catholics.{{Sfn|Harris|1993|p=130}}

Attempts to create an alternative 'Kings Party' were never likely to succeed, as English Catholics made up only 1.1% of the population and [[Nonconformist (Protestantism)|Nonconformists]] 4.4%.{{Sfn|Field|2012|p=695}} Both groups were divided; since private worship was generally tolerated, Catholic moderates feared greater visibility would provoke a backlash. Among Nonconformists, while [[Quakers]] and [[Congregational church|Congregationalists]] supported repeal of the Test Acts, the majority wanted to amend the 1662 Act of Uniformity and be allowed back into the Church of England.{{Sfn|Miller|1978|pp=171–172}} When James ensured the election of the Presbyterian John Shorter as [[Lord Mayor of London]] in 1687, Shorter insisted on complying with the Test Act, reportedly because of a "distrust of the King's favour...thus encouraging that which His Majesties whole Endeavours were intended to disannull."{{Sfn|Harris|2006|p=235}}

[[File:James Francis Edward Stuart c. 1703 attributed to Alexis Simon Belle.jpg|thumb|left|upright=0.8|[[James Francis Edward Stuart]], circa 1703, whose birth in June 1688 created the possibility of a Catholic dynasty]]

To ensure a compliant Parliament, James required potential [[Member of parliament|MPs]] to be approved by their local [[Lord Lieutenant]]; eligibility for both offices required positive answers in writing to the 'Three Questions', one being a commitment to repeal of the Test Act.{{Sfn|Miller|1978|pp=127–129}} In addition, local government and town corporations were purged to create an obedient electoral machine, further alienating the county gentry who had formed the majority of those who backed James in 1685.{{Sfn|Jones|1988|p=146}} On 24 August 1688, writs were issued for a general election.{{Sfn|Jones|1988|p=150}}

The expansion of the military caused great concern, particularly in England and Scotland, where memories of the Civil War left huge resistance to [[standing armies]].{{Sfn|Childs|1987|p=184}} In Ireland, Talbot replaced Protestant officers with Catholics; James did the same in England, while basing the troops at [[Hounslow]] appeared a deliberate attempt to overawe Parliament.{{Sfn|Childs|1980|pp=96–97}} In April 1688, he ordered his [[Declaration of Indulgence (1687)|Declaration of Indulgence]] read in every church; when the [[William Sancroft|Archbishop of Canterbury]] and six other bishops refused, they were charged with [[seditious libel]] and confined in the [[Tower of London]]. Two events turned dissent into a crisis; the birth of [[James Francis Edward Stuart]] on 10 June created the prospect of a Catholic dynasty, while the acquittal of the [[Seven Bishops]] on 30 June destroyed James's political authority.{{Sfn|Harris|2006|pp=235–236}}