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==The model== This model is a psychological concept that aims to understand [[cultural anthropology|anthropological]] data, especially from such societies as the [[Yolngu]] of [[Australia]], the [[Gimi]], [[Wogeo]], [[Bena Bena]], and [[Bimin-Kuskusmin]] of [[Papua New Guinea]], the Raum, the Ok, and the Kwanga, based on observations by [[Géza Róheim]],<ref>{{cite book | last = Róheim | first = Géza | title = Psychoanalysts and Anthropology | publisher = International Universities Press | year = 1950 | location = New York}}</ref> Lia Leibowitz, Robert C. Suggs,<ref>{{cite book | last = Suggs | first = Robert C. | title = Marquesan Sexual Behavior | publisher = Hartcourt, Brace & World | year = 1966 | location = New York}}</ref> [[Milton Diamond]], Herman Heinrich Ploss, [[Gilbert Herdt]], Robert J. Stoller, L. L. Langness, and Fitz John Porter Poole, among others.<ref name="OnWriting">{{cite journal | last = deMause | first = Lloyd | title = On Writing Childhood History | journal = The Journal of Psychohistory | volume = 16 | issue = 2 | year = 1988 | url = http://psychohistory.com/articles/on-writing-childhood-history/}}</ref> While anthropologists and psychohistorians do not dispute the data, they dispute its significance in terms of its importance, its meaning, and its interpretation.<ref name="OnWriting"/> Supporters attempt to explain [[cultural history]] from a psycho-developmental point of view, and argue that cultural change can be assessed as "advancement" or "regression" based on the psychological consequences of various cultural practices.<ref>{{cite journal | last = deMause | first = Lloyd | title = The evolution of childrearing modes | journal = Empathic Parenting | volume = 15| issue = 1 & 2 | year = 1992}}</ref> While most anthropologists reject this approach and most theories of [[cultural evolution]] as [[ethnocentric]], psychohistorians proclaim the [[Psychohistory#Independence as a discipline|independence of psychohistory]] and reject the mainstream [[Franz Boas|Boasian]] view. [[File:Tissot Pharaoh and the Midwives.jpg|thumb|Pharaoh and the Midwives, [[James Tissot]] c. 1900. In [[:s:Bible (King James)/Exodus#Chapter 1|Exodus 1:15–21]], [[Puah]] and [[Shiphrah]] were commanded by Pharaoh to kill all of the newborn baby boys, but they disobeyed.]] This "infanticidal" model makes several claims: that childrearing in tribal societies included [[child sacrifice]] or high infanticide rates, [[incest]], body mutilation, child rape, and tortures, and that such activities were culturally acceptable.<ref>{{cite book | last = Rascovsky | first = A. | title = Filicide: The Murder, Humiliation, Mutilation, Denigration and Abandonment of Children by Parents | publisher = Aronson | year = 1995 | location = New Jersey | pages = 107}}</ref> Psychohistorians do not claim that each child was killed, only that in some societies there was (or is) a selection process that would vary from culture to culture. For example, there is a large jump in the mortality rate of Papua New Guinean children after they reach the weaning stage.<ref name=" Hardness">{{cite book | last = Milner | first = Larry S. | title = Hardness of Heart / Hardness of Life: The Stain of Human Infanticide | publisher = University Press of America | year = 2000 | isbn = 978-0-7618-1578-5}}<!-- pp. 144-45 --></ref> In the [[Solomon Islands]] some people reportedly kill their first-born child. In rural [[India]], rural [[China]], and other societies, some female babies have been exposed to death.<ref name=" Hardness"/><!-- pp. 236–240 --> DeMause's argument is that the surviving siblings of the sacrificed child may become [[Bicameral mentality|disturbed]].<ref name="EMOL"/><!-- p. 258ff --> Some states, both in the [[Old World]] and [[New World]], practiced infanticide, including sacrifice in [[Child sacrifice in pre-Columbian cultures|Mesoamerica]] and in [[Assyria]]n and [[Canaan]]ite religions. [[Human sacrifice#Phoenicia|Phoenicians, Carthaginians]], and other members of early states sacrificed infants to their gods, as described in the table of the psychopathological effects of some [[Trauma model of mental disorders|forms of childrearing]].<ref name="EMOL"/> According to deMause, in the most primitive mode of childrearing of the above-mentioned table, mothers use their children to project parts of their [[Dissociation (psychology)|dissociated self]] onto their children. The infanticidal clinging of the symbiotic mother prevents individuation so that innovation and more complex political organization are inhibited.<ref name="EMOL"/><!-- p. 401 --> On a second plane, deMause maintains that the attention paid by mothers of some contemporary societies to their children, such as sucking, fondling, and masturbating, is sexual according to an objective standard; and that this sexual attention is inordinate.<ref>{{cite journal | last = deMause | first = Lloyd | title = The universality of incest | journal = The Journal of Psychohistory | volume = 19| issue = 2 | year = 1991}}</ref> The model is based on a reported lack of empathy by infanticidal parents, such as a lack of mutual [[gaze]]s between parent and child, observed by Robert B. Edgerton, Maria Lepowsky, Bruce Knauft, John W. M. Whiting, and [[Margaret Mead]], among others. Such mutual gazing is widely recognized in [[developmental psychology]] as crucial for proper [[Attachment theory|bonding]] between mother and child.
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