Editing Chen Duxiu (section)

==Biography==

===Life in the Qing dynasty===
Chen Duxiu was born on 8 October 1879 in the city of [[Anqing]], in the [[Anhui]] province of the [[Qing Empire]]. He was the youngest of four children born to a wealthy family of officials. In his youth, he was described as volatile, emotional, intuitive, non-intellectual, and a defender of the underdog.{{sfn|Spence|1999|p=303}}  His father died when Chen was two years old, and he was raised primarily by his grandfather; and, later, by his older brother.

Chen was given a traditional [[Confucian]] education by his grandfather, several private tutors, and his elder brother.{{sfn|Chow|2009}} A thorough knowledge of Confucian literary and philosophical works was the pre-requisites for civil service in Imperial China. Chen was an exceptional student, but his poor experiences taking the [[imperial examination|Confucian civil service exams]] resulted in a lifelong tendency to advocate unconventional beliefs and to criticize traditional ideas.

Chen passed the county- and provincial-level [[imperial examination]]s in 1896 and 1897 respectively.{{sfn|Chow|2009}} In a sardonic memoir, he recalled the filthy conditions, the dishonesty, and the incompetence during the exams.{{sfn|Spence|1999|p=303}} In 1898, he enrolled at [[Qiushi Academy]] (now [[Zhejiang University]]) in [[Hangzhou]] after passing the entrance exam and studied French, English, and [[naval architecture]].{{sfn|Chow|2009}} In October 1901, Chen went to [[Imperial Japan]], studying Japanese at the Tokyo Higher Normal School before attending the Tokyo Special School (the predecessor of [[Waseda University]]). He moved to [[Nanjing]] in 1902, after reportedly making speeches attacking the Qing government, and then back to Japan the same year under a government scholarship to study at the [[Tokyo Shimbu Gakko]], a military preparatory academy. He returned to China in March 1902 and, together with Bo Wenwei and others, formed the "Youth Self-Strengthening Society." It was the first time in China that the slogan "Science and Democracy" was proposed. It was in Japan where Chen became influenced by [[socialism]] and the growing Chinese dissident movement. While studying in Japan, Chen helped to found two radical political parties, but refused to join [[Tongmenghui]] Revolutionary Alliance, which he regarded as narrowly racist.{{sfn|Spence|1999|p=303}} In 1908, he accepted a teaching position at the Army Elementary School in [[Hangzhou]].{{sfn|Chow|2009}}{{sfn|Chao|2009}}<ref>{{Cite web |title=留日的中国共产党的创始人陈独秀、李大钊及四位"一大"代表 |url=https://m.sohu.com/a/238794455_481520/m.sohu.com/a/238794455_481520 |access-date=2024-01-11 |website=m.sohu.com |language=en}}</ref>

===Life in the early republic===
From the late 19th century, the [[Qing dynasty]] suffered a series of military defeats against the colonial foreign powers, most recently in the [[First Sino-Japanese War]] and the war against the [[Alliance of Eight Nations]], which invaded China in response to the 1901 [[Boxer Rebellion]]. Government corruption resulted in economic paralysis and widespread impoverishment. During this time, Chen became increasingly influential within the revolutionary movement against both foreign imperialism and the Qing.

Influenced by his time in Japan, Chen founded the Anhui Patriotic Association in 1903 and the Yue Fei Loyalist Society in 1905.<ref>{{Cite web|url=https://academic.naver.com/article.naver?doc_id=420264034|title = 네이버 학술정보}}</ref> By 1905, the Yue Fei included anti-Qing gentry like Sun Yujing and Bo Wenwei. Chen was an outspoken writer and political leader by the time of the [[Wuchang Uprising]] of 1911, which started the [[Xinhai Revolution]] and led to the collapse of the Qing dynasty. Yue Fei branches were added in Wuhu and Anqing, with those in Anqing infiltrating and agitating within the Qing military.<ref name=":0">{{Cite journal|last=Chao|first=Anne S. |date=2017 |title=The Local in the Global: The Strength of Anhui Ties in Chen Duxiu's Early Social Networks, 1901–1925 |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcc.2017.0015|journal=Twentieth-Century China |volume=42 |issue=2 |pages=113–137 |doi=10.1353/tcc.2017.0015 |s2cid=149130353 |issn=1940-5065}}</ref> In 1912, Chen became secretary general to the new military governor of Anhui, while also serving as the dean of a local high school. He used the Yue Fei Loyalist Society to establish an organization of students from Anhui public school, pro-rebel Qing soldiers and secret society members.<ref name=":0" /> However, Chen fled to Japan again in 1913 following the short-lived "Second Revolution" against [[Yuan Shikai]], but returned to China soon afterwards.{{sfn|Chow|2009}} He also created the Anhui Patriotic Society associated with the Anhui public school. These organizations won Chen recognition in Anhui, and contact with nationally prominent revolutionaries.<ref name=":0" />

In 1915, Chen founded the journal ''Youth'' – renamed to ''[[New Youth]]'' (''La Jeunesse'') in 1916 – in Shanghai.<ref name=":RedInk">{{Cite book |last=Li |first=Ying |title=Red Ink: A History of Printing and Politics in China |publisher=Royal Collins Press |year=2024 |isbn=9781487812737}}</ref>{{Rp|page=19}} It quickly became the most popular and widely distributed journal amongst the intelligentsia of the Republic of China. The journal criticized conservative Chinese morality and [[Confucianism]]; it supported [[individualism]] and a Western moral system valuing human rights, democracy and science, which Chen believed Confucianism opposed. The journal also promoted [[vernacular]] writing instead of traditional Confucian writing conventions.{{sfn|Spence|1999|pp=303–304}}

Chen joined the faculty of [[Peking University]] in the January 1917 as the university's dean, at the invitation of [[Cai Yuanpei]], who also paid for moving Chen's journal to [[Beijing]].{{sfn|Spence|1999|p=303}} As a professor and dean at Peking University, he wrote "If we wish to construct a new state and organize a new society in order to seek an existence suitable to our modern times, then the fundamental issue is that we must import the foundation of a Western-style society and country, that is to say, the new faith in equality and human rights... Unless [Confucianism] is suppressed, [the new Way] will not prevail; unless [supporters of Confucianism] are stopped, [the new Way] will not be practiced."<ref name=":3">{{Cite journal |last=Paramore |first=Kiri | title=Liberalism, Cultural Particularism, and the Rule of Law in Modern East Asia: The Anti-Confucian Essentialisms of Chen Duxiu and Fukuzawa Yukichi Compared |date=6 July 2018 |journal=Modern Intellectual History |volume=17 |issue=2 |pages=527–542 |doi=10.1017/s1479244318000240 |issn=1479-2443 |doi-access=free}}</ref> Chen's definition of Western civilization focused on egalitarianism rather than competition. He wrote: "socialism is, therefore, a theory of social revolution succeeding political revolution; its aim is to eliminate all inequality and oppression. We can call it 'contemporary' European civilization, which opposes the (merely) 'modern'."<ref name=":3" /> A Marxist study group at the university, led by [[Li Dazhao]], attracted his attention in 1919. Chen published a special edition of ''New Youth'' on Marxism with Li as the edition's general editor; the edition provided the most detailed analysis of [[Marxism]] then published in China, and the journal's popularity ensured its wide dissemination.{{sfn|Spence|1999|p=296}} Chen was involved with the [[May Fourth Movement]], where his and [[Hu Shih]]'s ideas were labelled as being anti-government and the core of the "New Culture Movement".<ref name=":03" /> In the fall of 1919, conservative opponents at the university forced Chen to resign.{{sfn|Spence|1999|p=296}} Around that time he was jailed for three months by the Peking authorities for distributing "inflammatory" literature that demanded the resignation of pro-Japanese ministers, and government guarantees for the freedoms of speech and assembly. After his release, Chen moved to the [[French Concession]]{{sfn|Spence|1999|p=309}} in [[Shanghai]] and became more interested in Marxism and the promotion of rapid social change;{{sfn|Spence|1999|p=304}} there he pursued his intellectual and scholarly interests free from official persecution.{{citation needed|date=June 2021}} After reading the Bible in prison, he was said to have been a [[Nondenominational Christianity|Nondenominational Christian]]<ref>{{cite book |author=沈寂 |title=陈独秀传论 |date=2007 |publisher=安徽大学出版社 |isbn=978-7-81110-298-7 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qQg2AQAAIAAJ |language=zh-hans}}</ref><ref>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=79EOEAAAQBAJ&dq=%E9%99%88%E7%8B%AC%E7%A7%80%E6%98%AF%E5%9F%BA%E7%9D%A3%E5%BE%92&pg=PA68 | isbn=978-9865432522 | title=五四運動與中國宗教的調適與發展 | date=December 2020 | publisher=中央研究院近代史研究所 }}</ref> or liberal Protestant before becoming dissatisfied with Christianity.<ref>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_F0PEAAAQBAJ&dq=%22chen+duxiu%22+%22liberal+protestantism%22&pg=PA45 | isbn=978-1793631572 | title=Christian Women and Modern China: Recovering a Women's History of Chinese Protestantism | date=2021 | publisher=Rowman & Littlefield }}</ref> In 1921, he also lived and worked at a Protestant<ref>{{cite web | url=https://sacbu.com/chinese-culture/protestantism | title=Protestantism | access-date=11 July 2022 | archive-date=27 June 2022 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220627090254/https://sacbu.com/chinese-culture/protestantism | url-status=dead }}</ref> church school.<ref>{{cite book | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9CdUAAAAIAAJ&q=%E6%96%87%E5%8D%8E%E5%A4%A7%E5%AD%A6+%E9%99%B3%E7%8D%A8%E7%A7%80+%E6%95%99%E4%BC%9A+%E4%BD%8F%E8%BF%87 | title=五四运动在武汉史料选辑 | year=1981 | publisher=湖北人民出版社 }}</ref>

The newspaper ''[[Shen Bao]]'' categorized academics into factions (''xuepai''). It portrayed Chen and Hu as victims of government persecution, and their opponents as allies of the warlords.<ref name=":03">{{Cite book|last=Forster|first=Elisabeth|url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110560718|title=1919 – The Year That Changed China|date= 2018|publisher=De Gruyter|isbn=978-3-11-056071-8|location=Berlin & Boston|doi=10.1515/9783110560718}}</ref>

===Career within the Chinese Communist Party===

====Founding the Chinese Communist Party====
[[File:Front cover of Constitution of the Communist Party of China 2007.jpg|thumb|Front cover of Constitution of the Chinese Communist Party]]
In 1921, Chen, Li and other prominent revolutionaries (including [[Mao Zedong]]) founded the CCP. It has been generally asserted that the group had diligently studied Marxist theories, inspired by the [[Russian Revolution of 1917]].{{sfn|Chow|2009}} Chen was elected (in absentia) as the first [[General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party|General Secretary]] at the [[1st National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party|first party congress]] in Shanghai.{{sfn|Columbia|2001}} He remained the undisputed leader of the party until 1927, and was often referred to as "China's Lenin" during this period.{{sfn|Chow|2009}}

Chen, with Li's assistance, developed a cooperative – and later troublesome – relationship with the [[Communist International]] (Comintern). Over the next decade, the Comintern sought to use the CCP as tools of [[Soviet]] foreign policy, leading to policy disagreements between CCP leaders and Comintern advisors.{{sfn|Columbia|2001}}

By 1922, the party had only about 200 members, not counting those overseas.{{sfn|Spence|1999|p=312}}

[[File:B9523 Chen Duxiu.jpg|thumb|Chen during his arrest in 1921]]

====Subsequent efforts to spread communism====
Soon after the founding of the Chinese Communist Party, in 1921, Chen accepted an invitation from [[Chen Jiongming]] to serve on the education board in [[Guangzhou]] in the aftermath of the June 16 Incident, but this position dissolved when Guangzhou was recaptured by the Kuomintang. At the direction of the Comintern, Chen and the Chinese Communists formed an alliance with [[Sun Yat-sen]] and the [[Kuomintang]] (KMT or Nationalist Party) in 1922. Although Chen was not convinced of the utility of collaborating with the Kuomintang, he reluctantly carried out the Comintern's orders to do so. Pursuing collaboration with the Kuomintang, he was elected into that party's Central Committee in January 1924.{{sfn|Chow|2009}}

In 1927, after the [[Shanghai massacre]], he and other high-ranking Communists, including [[Mao Zedong]] and [[Mikhail Borodin]], collaborated closely with [[Wang Jingwei]]'s Nationalist government in [[Wuhan]], convincing Wang's regime to adopt various proto-Communist policies. The Wuhan government's subsequent land reform policies were considered provocative enough to influence various KMT-aligned generals to attack Wang's regime, suppressing it.{{sfn|Spence|1999|pp=338–339}} Chen was forced to resign as General Secretary in 1927, due to his public dissatisfaction with the Comintern order to disarm during the [[April 12 Incident]], which had led to the deaths of thousands of Communists – now known as the [[Shanghai massacre of 1927]], and because of his disagreement with the Comintern's new focus on peasant rebellions.{{Citation needed|reason=A citation for the disagreement on the focus with peasant rebellions would be appreciated.|date=March 2024}}

====Conflict with Mao====
Chen came into conflict with [[Mao Zedong]] in 1925 over Mao's essay "An Analysis of Classes in Chinese Society". Mao opposed Chen's analyses of China. While Chen believed that the focus of revolutionary struggle in China should primarily concern the workers, Mao had started to theorize about the primacy of the peasants. According to [[Han Suyin]] in ''Mortal Flower'', Chen "opposed the opinions expressed [in Mao's analysis], denied that a radical land policy and the vigorous organization of the rural areas under the Communist party was necessary, and refused the publication of the essay in the central executive organs of publicity."

Although he recognized the value of Mao's interpretation of Marxism in inciting the Chinese peasants and labourers to revolution, Chen opposed Mao's rejection of the strong role of the bourgeoisie that Chen had hoped to achieve. During the last years of his life, Chen denounced Stalin's dictatorship, and held that various democratic institutions, including independent judiciaries, opposition parties, a free press, and free elections, were important and valuable. Because of Chen's opposition to Mao's interpretation of Communism, Mao believed that Chen was incapable of providing a robust [[historical materialism|historical materialist]] analysis of China. This dispute would eventually lead to the end of Chen and Mao's friendship and political association.{{sfn|Chow|2009}}

====Expelled by the party====
As the Party had grown rapidly following the [[May Thirtieth Movement]], leadership was divided over the organization of the Party.<ref name=":02">{{Cite book |last=Wang |first=Xian |title=Gendered Memories: An Imaginary Museum for Ding Ling and Chinese Female Revolutionary Martyrs |date=2025 |publisher=[[University of Michigan Press]] |isbn=978-0-472-05719-1 |series=China Understandings Today series |location=Ann Arbor}}</ref>{{Rp|page=113}} Chen and [[Peng Shuzhi]] favored centralized authority, while [[Qu Qiubai]], [[Cai Hesen]], and [[Zhang Guotao]] supported increased autonomy for local Party organizations.<ref name=":02" />{{Rp|page=113}} During the [[5th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party|5th Congress]], Qu and Cai criticized Chen and Peng for what they described as rightist opportunism, contending that Chen and Peng's approach impeded the progress of worker's movements and leadership of the proletariat.<ref name=":02" />{{Rp|page=114}}

After the collaboration between the Communist Party and the KMT fell apart in 1927, the Comintern blamed Chen, and systematically removed him from all positions of leadership. In November 1929, he was expelled. Afterwards, Chen became associated with the [[International Left Opposition]] of [[Leon Trotsky]]. Like Chen, Trotsky opposed many of the policies of the Comintern, and publicly criticized the Comintern's effort to collaborate with the Nationalists. Chen eventually became the voice of the Trotskyists in China, attempting to regain support and influence within the party, but failed.{{sfn|Chow|2009}} Chen continued to oppose measures like [[New Democracy]] and the "Block of Four Classes" advocated by [[Mao Zedong]].

After the communist movement in the late 1920s, Chen Duxiu and Leon Trotsky began a complex relationship that was not known in the West. Their relationship reveals the developments of Trotskyism in China and deepen the understanding of the relationship between the Communists of China and Soviet Union. Due to lack of related resources, the public did not have a full understanding of the relationship between Chen Duxiu and Leon Trotsky. Nowadays, this situation has improved for the following reasons. Firstly, more printed materials in Chinese about Chen Duxiu are available. Secondly, in 1980, the "Exile papers of Leon Trotsky" which includes letters, personal notes, manuscripts, and many unpublished resources were made accessible.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Kuhfus|first=Peter|date=June 1985|title=Chen Duxiu and Leon Trotsky: New Light on their Relationship|url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0305741000029933/type/journal_article|journal=The China Quarterly|language=en|volume=102|pages=253–276|doi=10.1017/S0305741000029933|s2cid=154305254 |issn=0305-7410}}</ref>

===Last years===

In 1932, Chen was arrested by the government of the [[Shanghai International Settlement]], where he had been living since 1927, and extradited to Nanjing. In 1933, he was sentenced to 15 years in prison by the Nationalist government, but was released on parole in 1937 after the outbreak of the [[Second Sino-Japanese War]].{{sfn|Chow|2009}}

Chen was one of the few early leaders of the Communist party to survive the turmoil of the 1930s, but he was never able to regain any influence within the party he had founded. For the last decade of his life, he faded into obscurity. 
At the time that he was released, both the supporters of Chen and the pro-Comintern leaders who opposed him had either been killed or had fallen out of favor with the Communist membership. The Chinese Communist Party managed to survive the purges only by fleeing to the northern frontier in the [[Long March]] of 1934–1935, during which Mao Zedong emerged as leader. If only for sheer survival, the Communists had to flee the cities where China's fledgling industrial working class was concentrated, seek refuge in remote rural areas, and there mobilize the support of peasants; this was naturally taken as a vindication of Mao's position in his debate with Chen. Mao and this new generation of Communists would lead the party in China for the next fifty years.

On 23 August, Chen was released from prison and refused multiple offers of positions from the Kuomintang. He said that despite the importance of the war effort, "Chiang Kai-shek killed many of my comrades. He also killed my two sons. He and I are absolutely irreconcilable." In August 1937, Chen met with the heads of the Chinese Communist Party Office in Nanjing. This led to a concerted attempt by Luo Han and [[Ye Jianying]] to allow Chen to return to the Party. In September Mao responded saying that Chen could rejoin the party if he agreed to publicly renounce Trotskyism and express support for the United Front against Japan. Chen responded by letter to the Central Committee of the CCP that he agreed with its line of resistance but would not renounce Trotskyism. This was the end of the last serious attempt to rejoin the CCP.{{sfn|Benton|2017|pp=97–98}}

Chen then travelled from place to place until the summer of 1938, when he arrived at the wartime capital of [[Chongqing]] and took a position teaching at a junior high school. In poor health and with few remaining friends, Chen Duxiu later retired to [[Jiangjin]], a small town west of Chongqing, where he died in 1942 at the age of 62.{{sfn|Chow|2009}} Today, he is buried at his birthplace of Anqing.

===Legacy===
After the founding of the PRC in 1949, Chen's example was used to warn Communist Party members not to deviate from party orthodoxy. In the [[Hundred Flowers Campaign]], the example of Chen in collaborating with [[Wang Jingwei]]'s Wuhan government, leading to the ostracism of his peers and the failure of Communist policies at the time, was used by [[Peng Zhen]] as a warning never to "forgive" anti-Maoists.{{sfn|Spence|1999|p=543}} After Mao died in 1976, [[Hua Guofeng]] gave a speech praising Mao's suppression of "Right and 'Left' Opportunist lines of the Party" as one of the late chairman's greatest achievements: Chen was the first person to be named as being correctly suppressed; [[Deng Xiaoping]] was the last.{{sfn|Spence|1999|p=615}}

[[Hu Qiaomu]]'s 1951 ''Thirty Years of the Chinese Communist Party'', which was deemed by the Party as its authoritative history,{{sfn|Weigelin-Schwiedrzik|1993|p=154}} denounced Chen as:

* a bourgeois democracy opportunist;
* Right opportunist;
* Right capitulationist;
* factionalist;
* anti-Soviet;
* anti-Comintern;
* anti-Party;
* counter-revolutionary;
* [[hanjian|traitor to China]]; and
* a turncoat.

In 1956, Mao Zedong said that Chen represented the gravest of all of the deviations to the Right in the party's history up to that time.<ref>[http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-5/mswv5_52.htm ''U.S. Imperialism is a paper tiger''] Interview with Chairman Mao ''[[Marxists Internet Archive]]'' 14 July 1956</ref>

Chen's contributions to the Party have subsequently been reassessed, however. Hong Kong historian Tang Baolin called Hu's verdict on Chen the greatest miscarriage of justice in the Party's history<ref>[http://www.chinanews.com/cul/2013/11-15/5508420.shtml "Chen Biography Author: Mao Zedong's 'Nobility'"] ''[[Shenzhen Daily]]'' 15 November 2013</ref> and although his reassessment of Chen has not been officially endorsed by the Party, it was published in 2009 by the Chinese Literature and History Press which is run by the National Committee of the [[Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference]].<ref>[http://history.people.com.cn/n/2012/0903/c198865-18901199.html The greatest injustice in the history of the CPC: Chen's nine charges all groundless] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130724095433/http://history.people.com.cn/n/2012/0903/c198865-18901199.html |date=24 July 2013 }} in ''Declassified documents in the broad historical picture'' Ye Kuangzheng ed. ''Chinese Literature and History Press'' February 2009</ref>